清代察哈尔地方，是察哈尔部蒙古在布尔尼事件之后被清朝重新安置之地，位于大同、宣化边外，草类、兽禽、谷物、药植、矿产等物产资源丰富。该地草原繁茂，是察哈尔游牧八旗和清朝直属的六类牧厂所在地，牧业资源首先得到大力开发。清中叶，内地人地矛盾尖锐，出关垦种谋生者渐多，虽然清朝厉行封禁政策，但时禁时弛，察哈尔地方的农业、草药和矿产资源逐步得到开发，草原生态发生变化。清廷为安辑流民稳固统治，陆续出台了许多管理政策，在多方合力之下，察哈尔地方社会面貌发生了很大变化。本文在清代官私文献基础上，充分利用中国第一历史档案馆和内蒙古档案馆的满汉文档案，以清代察哈尔地方资源开发为中心，关注不同人群在察哈尔区域社会发展中的作用，深入探究全面放垦之前察哈尔牧业、农业、草药和矿产等资源开发历程中的制度流变和环境变化等社会变迁情况。论文主要涵盖以下四个部分：

       第一章以王公大臣官员等私属牧厂为中心，探讨清代察哈尔地方牧业开发问题。为更好的定位该地私属牧厂的情况，本章先以察哈尔地方官方牧厂为参照物进行论述，其后大致以牧厂承继源流为经，以牧厂始置的先后顺序为纬，分别考订清代察哈尔左右两翼地方王公大臣官员等私属牧厂的动态设置情况，关注时间、地点、承袭、权属等要素，认为应有68处牧厂先后存在。整体来说，察哈尔王公大臣官员等牧厂数量多、分布广，且设置类型复杂，主要分为宗室王公牧厂、异姓世爵牧厂、勋旧大臣牧厂三类，察哈尔王公大臣官员等牧厂私属性强，使得经营牧放自由而丰富，马牛羊驼等牧业资源的开发，为各王公大臣提供了丰富的肉制品和奶制品，也为朝廷提供了一定数量的战马。但因牧厂交错，边界纠纷不断，还有因大臣贪污形成的非法定牧厂，这些都与争夺牧业资源开发权紧密联系，逐利是驱动力和最终目标。清廷对于王公大臣官员等牧厂的边界轇轕，大多仍依照牧厂初设之时或重新踏勘后所绘具的图册进行裁断，少量无法判定的，采取居中取直平分的办法决断，足见牧业资源开发过程中的内在张力和复杂变动。

       第二章探讨清代察哈尔地方农业资源的开发与管理问题。在梳理察哈尔地方官地垦政的阶段性变化后，考察清廷对于王公大臣官员等私属牧厂垦殖政策的变化过程，进而以分析个案的方式，关注王公大臣官员等牧厂开垦的交互影响及个性化进程，文章认为私属牧厂的垦政比官垦更具特色：乾隆中期恒禄等四家牧厂开垦案，拉开了朝廷弛禁招垦私属牧厂的序幕，此后察哈尔地方拥有牧厂的宗室王公大臣纷纷采取应对，或因袭恒禄案成例，除开垦升科交官银外，另领取每亩四厘私租。或像受恒禄案影响下宗室讷木谨牧厂的应对措施，呈请恭进内廷，领取朝廷赏给的十分之三租银，牧厂所有权由宗室王公完全私属逐步走入朝廷管理的趋势。纵观各个私属牧厂的开垦进程和程度方式，不尽相同。但开垦过程中，基本涉及王公牧厂的租银承袭纠纷、佃户与王府的经济纠纷、王公大臣贪恩图利谎报牧厂等方面的纠纷，随着朝廷应对管理能力的增强，私属牧厂开垦的章程也日益完善，为清末贻谷全面放垦之时，各王公大臣官员等牧厂报效朝廷奠定了基础。从清代众多游记的记载来看，察哈尔地方的农垦开发，最终的结果是农进牧退，这不仅改变了当地的农牧地理格局，也对该地区的生态环境产生了深远影响。

       第三章以黄芪为中心，讨论清代察哈尔地方草药资源的开发与管理问题。本章认为察哈尔地方盛产的延年益寿黄芪，量大质优利厚、市场需求大，颇受内地民人青睐，但清廷在蒙古地区厉行封禁政策，内地民人只能私赴口外活动。封禁政策下把尔头带领直隶、山东、山西等内地民人挖采黄芪，在当地囤积售卖自产自销，或驮载偷运入关分销各地，直隶祁州便是药材周转枢纽之一，这一行为密切了内地与蒙古地区的贸易往来。乾嘉时期，口外黄芪案件频发，察哈尔黄芪的采挖一定程度上破坏草场、有害马政、易滋事端，朝廷最终立足维稳大局，对内地民人私采黄芪的行为由放任默许转为积极管控，出台了禁挖黄芪章程和官员处分条例，并将其补充到《大清律例》中，为此后蘑菇危机等类似的案件处理提供了例法依据。但内地民人私刨口外黄芪事件并未就此停止，而是以较为隐秘的方式继续存在。禁弛张力之下的清代察哈尔黄芪刨采历史，是清廷在开发边疆与封禁边疆上矛盾心态的一个缩影。

       第四章以碱矿为中心，讨论清代察哈尔地方矿产资源的开发与管理情况。文章认为察哈尔地方碱矿量大质佳，除附近蒙人采捞外，不少内地民人聚集前往刨挖煎熬，并贩卖入口谋利。清廷最初以皇商武治国为代表开发碱矿，至乾隆前期，朝廷针对是否招商熬碱出现禁弛之争，主开派官员认为碱为天地自然之利，可充实内廷、普惠民生，弃置可惜，主禁派官员则认为弛碱破坏察哈尔官私游牧、游民易聚易散稽查不易。随着官员处分则例和碱矿开发章程的先后出台，乾隆中期最终确立了弛禁察哈尔碱矿的政策，并规定除附近蒙人自用外，只能运至张家口碱商处售卖。从此，察哈尔碱矿开发又进入了一个新的发展时期。嘉庆年间张家口的官方碱商固定为十家，从此垄断了察哈尔碱矿贸易，碱税成为张家口税务的重要一环。道光时期张家口税务监督景福革退碱商案，揭露出碱税弊端，及至咸同光时期，战争频仍国库日绌，碱厘抽收十分困难，这既有税务弊端丛生的问题，也与察哈尔碱矿资源减少密切相关，天然碱矿开发由盛转衰。

       总体而言，清代察哈尔地方的资源开发，促使清廷政令更迭、律例完善，加速了边疆内地化和一体化进程，推动民族格局变化，影响了生态环境的平衡，对区域社会变迁产生了深远影响。从长远来看，察哈尔地方资源开发，反映了大一统政权下不同区域移民的必然性、民族交融的不可逆性，也反映了统一的多民族政权下直隶、山西、山东等直省和藩部在经济和贸易上的互动和互补。

        In the Qing Dynasty, the Chahar area was the place where the Mongolian part of Chahar was relocated by the Qing Dynasty after the Buerni Incident. Located outside Datong and Xuanhua, it was rich in resources of grasses, animals and poultry, grains, medicinal plants and minerals. Chahar grassland luxuriantly, as the Chahar Nomadic eight banner and directly under the Qing Dynasty six types of animal husbandry factory, animal husbandry resources were first vigorously developed.In the middle of the Qing Dynasty, the conflicts between the mainland people were acute, and more and more people went out of the customs to make a living. Although the Qing Dynasty implemented the ban policy, the effect was little, and the agricultural, herbal and mineral resources in Chahar were gradually developed, and the grassland ecology changed. In order to secure the refugees and stabilize the rule, the Qing Court successively issued many management policies. Under the joint efforts of many parties, the local social landscape of Chahar changed greatly. Based on the official and private documents of the Qing Dynasty, this paper makes full use of the Manchu and Chinese archives of the First Historical Archives of China and the Inner Mongolia Archives, focuses on the development of local resources in Chahar in the Qing Dynasty, and pays attention to the role of different groups in the social development of Chahar. This paper deeply explores the institutional changes and environmental changes in the development process of animal husbandry, agriculture, herbal medicine and mineral resources in Chahar before comprehensive reclamation. The thesis mainly covers the following four parts:        

     The first chapter focuses on Princes, Ministers, Officials and other Ranchers Pastures to discuss the development of Chahar animal husbandry in Qing Dynasty. In order to better locate the situation of private grazing plants in Chahar, this chapter first discusses the official grazing plants in Chahar as a reference, and then, based on the succession source of grazing plants and the sequence of the founding of grazing plants, the dynamic setting of private grazing plants in the left and right wings of Chahar in the Qing Dynasty is reviewed respectively, focusing on factors such as time, place, inheritance and ownership. It is believed that 68 grazing plants should exist successively. On the whole, Chahar Princes, Ministers , Officials and other Ranchers Pastures are numerous, widely distributed and set up in complex types, which can be divided into three main types: Imperial Clansmen' Ranches, Different Surname Hereditary Ranks Pasture, Ministers of Merit Ranches. Chahar Princes, Ministers, Officials and other Ranchers Pastures have strong private property, which makes the operation and grazing free and rich. The development of animal husbandry resources such as horses, cattle and alpacas, They provided rich meat and dairy products for the princes and ministers, as well as a certain number of war horses for the court. However, due to the interlacing of grazing plants, constant border disputes, and the non-legal grazing plants formed by the corruption of ministers, these are closely related to the fight for the right to develop animal resources, and profit pursuit is the driving force and ultimate goal. For the boundary disputes of private animal husbandry plants, the Qing Court still decided most of them according to the map books drawn when the animal husbandry plants were first set up or after re-investigation. For a few that could not be decided, the method of taking a direct and equal share was adopted, which showed the inherent tension and complex changes in the process of animal husbandry resources development.

      The second chapter discusses the development and management of agricultural resources in Chahar in Qing Dynasty. After sorting out the periodic changes of the government land reclamation policy in Chahar, the changing process of the Qing Court's reclamation policy for private animal husbandry plants was investigated, and on this basis, the regional particularity of the government land reclamation policy in Chahar was summarized. Then, by analyzing individual cases, the paper focuses on the interaction and individuation process of the reclamation of grazing plants by princes, ministers and officials. It holds that the reclamation of private grazing plants is more distinctive than that of official reclamation：in the middle of the Qianlong period, Henglu and other four grazing plant reclamation case, opened the court to ban the recruitment of private grazing plant prelude, since then royal minister of Chahar who owned grazing farm have taken a response, some people follow the Henglu case as an example, in addition to the reclamation branch to pay official silver, another four per mu private rent, others like the influence of the Henglu case of the imperial family Na Mu Jin pastoral factory response measures, petition to enter the inner court, receive the court award to the three tenths of the silver lease, pastoral ownership by the imperial prince completely private gradually into the trend of court management. Throughout each private grazing plant, its reclamation process and degree of way is not the same. However, during the reclamation process, it basically involved the disputes over the lease and bank inheritance of the royal farm, the economic disputes between the tenants and the royal palace, and the royal ministers lied about the farm and so on. With the enhancement of the court's coping and management ability, the articles of association for the reclamation of private ranches were also improved day by day, which laid the foundation for the royal ministers, officials and other ranches to serve the court when Yigu was fully reclaimed in the late Qing Dynasty. According to the records of many travel notes in the Qing Dynasty, the ultimate result of the land reclamation development in Chahar was the advance of agriculture and the retreat of animal husbandry, which not only changed the geographical pattern of local agriculture and animal husbandry, but also had a profound impact on the ecological environment of the region.

      The third chapter discusses the development and management of herbal resources in Chahar in Qing Dynasty with Astragalus as the center. In the Qing dynasty, the Chahar region was rich in astragalus, which could prolong life and was popular among people in the mainland. However,the Qing government strictly enforced the policy of prohibition in Mongolia, so inland people could only venture outside the Great Wall illegally. Bartou led Zhili, Shandong, Shanxi and other inland people to dig and collect astragalus together with the local Manchu and Mongolian people. They hoarded and sold astragalus locally, or smuggled it through customs for distribution,Qizhou in Zhili became a hub for the trade. This behavior has closely linked the trade between the mainland and Mongolia. During the reign of Emperor Qianjia, cases of extra-oral astragalus occurred frequently. To a certain extent,the harvesting of Chahar astragalus could destroy grassland,was harmful tothe administration of horses,and caused disputes. Finally, based on the overall situation of stability, the Qing government changed its attitude towards the private harvest of astragalus from laissez-faire to active control, issued regulations prohibiting the digging of Astragalus and disciplinary regulations for officials, and added them to the "Statute of the Qing Dynasty", which provided an example and legal basis for handling similar cases such as mushroom crisis. But the mainland people's private planing outside the astragalus incident did not stop here, but in a more secret way to continue. The history of astragalus digging in Chahar in Qing Dynasty under the tension of prohibition is an epitome of the contradictory mentality of the Qing court in developing the frontier and sealing the frontier.

       The fourth chapter focuses on alkali mine to research the development and management of mineral resources in Chahar in Qing Dynasty. The article holds that the alkali mines in Chahar are of large quantity and good quality. Besides the Mongolian people who are fishing nearby, many mainlanders gather to dig and suffer, and sell the imports for profit. During the reign of Kangxi, Wu Zhiguo, the royal merchant, was the representative figure to develop alkali mines. To the early period of Qianlong, there was a debate on whether to attract investment and boil alkali, advocates the development of alkali mine officials believe alkali is the natural benefits of heaven and earth, can enrich the inner court, the general benefit of the people, it is a pity to abandon,but advocates the ban of alkali mine officials believe that alkali damage Chahar official nomadic, nomadic inspection is not easy. With the official punishment rules and regulations of alkali mine development successively issued, in the middle of Qianlong period, the policy to relax the Chahar alkali mine was finally established, and it was stipulated that except for the nearby Mongolian people's personal use, it could only be transported to the alkali trader in Zhangjiakou for sale. Since then, the development of Chahar alkali mine has entered a new development period. During the reign of Jiaqing, there were ten official alkali merchants in Zhangjiakou, which monopolized the alkali ore trade in Chahar, and alkali tax became an important part of Zhangjiakou's taxation. During the Daoguang period, Jingfu, a tax supervisor in Zhangjiakou, exposed the drawbacks of alkali tax. In the Xiantongguang period, the Treasury was constantly in deficit due to frequent wars, and it was very difficult to extract alkali. This was not only a problem of tax abuses, but also closely related to the reduction of alkali mineral resources in Chahar, and the development of natural alkali mines turned from prosperity to decline.

      In general, the resource development in Chahar in the Qing Dynasty promoted the change of government decrees and the perfection of law, accelerated the process of inland border and integration, promoted the change in the national pattern, affected the balance of ecological environment, and had a profound impact on regional social changes. In the long run, the development of local resources in Chahar reflected the inevitability of immigration from different regions and the irreversibility of ethnic integration under the unified regime, as well as the interaction and complementarity in economy and trade between Zhili, Shanxi and Shandong provinces and vassal departments under the unified multi-ethnic regime.