20世纪90年代以来，中国各地处于城市重构的浪潮中，在城市形象更新与再造的同时，城市房屋拆迁逐渐成为最为突出的社会矛盾和社会冲突之一，由此引发的抗争活动此起彼伏。从当前中国社会集体抗争的程度和频率来看，这一社会政治现象极为独特，既具有中国特色，又具有时代特色，从中透射出转型中国的国家-市民关系的景象和变迁。怎样认识城市拆迁的集体抗争行动，成为本文观察和研究问题的核心。具体说来，这主要包括城市被拆迁居民抗争行动的模式、抗争行动受到的限制以及抗争行动所具有的影响三个方面，政治形态、政治社会、政治经济、政治文化的宏观背景以及社会变迁是在对事实进行描述和分析时的基本着眼点。要回答研究问题，仅仅凭借一些二手资料进行主观性极强的分析和评论，很难切近真实，更不容易获得新的理论认识。“用脚走路，让事实说话”才是科学的态度。本研究在长期跟踪调查的基础上，论述了发生于某市白水的拆迁抗争集体行动。现阶段,国家的基本政治模式、公民权利的保障体系、城市开发的政治经济体制、城市土地制度与住房制度的变迁等等，构成了城市重构的宏观政治脉络。大规模的城市建设浪潮由地方政府主导，政府权力、资本力量与拆迁居民权利失衡，由权益受损以及与居住空间相连的“生命世界”的破坏引致并加剧了拆迁居民的不满，他们从心理和行动上把住房和与之相连的“生命世界”建构为自己的领地。被拆迁居民是一个容纳不同阶层和个体利益的群体，研究发现，积极的抗争者表现出“转型世代”的特质，他们是具有改革开放前后两个时代经历的中老年人。就抗争的组织和动员状况来看，集体利益认同与地域共同体的社会网络，为拆迁居民建立非正式化的组织形式提供了条件，“转型世代”的政治观念和政治经历也具有了新的意义。在意见表达中，政治伦理、市场公平、法律正义、生活道义都是拆迁居民用以建构集体抗争行动的文化剧码，由于长期的政治和社会体认，“转型世代”在抗争活动中具有很强的策略理性。尽管城市拆迁矛盾已成为现阶段显著的社会矛盾，但就白水的经验来看，由于拆迁居民利益的碎片化、拆迁市民的再生产机制以及地方政府的强大管制能力，拆迁抗争群体潜藏着不断分化与瓦解的趋势，它不具有发展为大规模、高烈度的社会抗争运动的条件。研究还发现，城市拆迁抗争对于推动都市政治的发展和国家-市民关系的变迁具有积极的意义。这主要表现在，一方面，国家在集中保持对社会的管制性权力的同时，也在策略性地回应拆迁市民的要求，这导致了拆迁管理的积极变化，拆迁居民在与拆迁方的“协商”互动中利益要求得到了一定的满足；另一方面，拆迁的切身经历使被拆迁居民在时代变迁中去思考“国家”，推动他们与国家之间政治契约的变化，城市拆迁抗争是拆迁居民“公民资格”的锻炼过程和草根民主实践。在上述研究的基础上，本文把城市拆迁抗争的实践形态概括为“以理抗争”。“理”的逻辑成为支配被拆迁居民抗争行动的根本“法则”。作为一种群体利益的表达方式，“以理抗争”不具有根本的社会破坏性。国家应当提供有效的制度性途径，让具有相应的政治理性和合法行动能力的社会利益群体有效地表达自己的诉求，从而形成一种合理的利益表达机制和民主决策机制，这将是疏解现阶段社会矛盾和冲突的有效思路。

The Chinese urban reconstruction is spreading everywhere since 1990s. Chaiqian (urban housing demolition and relocation) has become one of prominent social contradictions and conflicts and led to a large increase of social protest while the city are renewed and rebuilt in China. The social political phenomenon is extremely unique from the level and frequency of present social protest in China, which possesses Chinese characteristics and features of the times reflecting the situation and shift of relationships between state and citizen during social transformation.The kernel of this dissertation is how to evaluate the collective protest in the process of urban housing demolition and relocation. The research is mainly concerned with the mode, limitations and influences of residents’ collective protest against chaiqian. All these questions will be considered on the macro backgrounds of political mode, political society, political economy and political culture as well as on the social transformation. In order to answer these questions well, we should research in scientific attitudes such as “walk on foot, and let the facts talk” not using the subjective analysis and commentary based on second-hand materials, which is difficultly close to reality and is not easy to acquire new theoretical cognition. This dissertation discusses the collective protest agatinst chaiqian in Baishui city of China b on the basis of long term tracking survey. The macro political context is composed by the political mode of post-totalitarian developmental state, the political economy of urban development, urban housing and land property institution at present. The urban renewal is dominated by the local government. The relation of power is unbalanced among local government, real estate developers and relocated residents. The impaired space rights and damaged urban services-the life-worlds trigger and aggravate residents’ discontent. They think of the residential space and life-worlds as their territory from psychology and behavior construction. Relocated residents are a group containing different class and individual interests. The active residents involved in protest are the “transition generation” that is made up of the middle aged and elderly to have gone through two different times. In view of the organization and mobilization situation, community interests and social network in a certain spatial range provide conditions for informal organizing protest. Mass movement experience of the transition generation has new significance. The cultural symbols such as political ethics, market fairness, legal justice and life-moral principles are used to construct the relocated residents’ action. The transition generation resorts to rational strategies from political knowledge and experience. But the fragmentation of residential interests, powerful political forces and social reproduction of resident make protest group have the trend of constant differentiation and the disintegration potentially. Residents are difficult to protest by joint and militant action on a large-scale region. Local government not only continues keeping the repressive power but also respond to residential claims strategically in order to maintain social stability. This results in changes in management and operations of demolition and relocation and residents’ interests are met to some extent. Residents have a changing times view of the state with the personal experience of relocation and political participation. Their political trust is reconstructed in the process of interaction with the government. Practice in citizenship and grassroots democracy concern the development of independent and autonomous urban bottom society. The practicing form of relocated citizens’ protest is summarized as "the rightness-based resistance" on the basis of the above research. It will not disrupt the social order fundamentally as the collective interest expressing means. The state should establish effective institutional approachs for the interest expression of social interest groups that have the political reason and legal action ability.This will relieve the present social contradictions and conflicts effectively.