自1990年至2016年底，新疆地区遭受来自境内外“三股势力”的严重侵扰，对人民群众的生命财产安全构成极大威胁。2014年，习近平总书记做出“暴力恐怖活动的根子是民族分裂主义，思想基础是宗教极端”的重要论断，明确了去除宗教极端主义意识形态在反恐理论和实践中的双重意义。为了及时有效消解新疆地区浓厚的宗教极端氛围，帮助受宗教极端主义意识形态感染的社会成员顺利融入社会，我国在新疆地区专门设立了职业技能教育培训中心。通过公民教育方式教授学员国家通用语言文字、国家法律法规和职业技能，在对学员的宗教极端思想进行纠正的同时，也使得学员能借助在中心学到的一技之长更好创造社会价值。然而，从2018年开始，以美国为代表的西方国家开始指责我国职业技能教育培训中心的运行机制，甚至将其定义为“集中营”、“再教育营”，以此为话题展开的话语博弈也引发了国际社会的持续关注。作为话语博弈的参与方，我国采取多种方式对相应的指责与抹黑进行“反击”，例如对外界编造的谣言逐一拆穿，通过纪录片形式展现教培中心建立的可行性与必要性，用新疆社会现实发展数据证实去极端化工作的显著成效……这些回应方式在还原事实真相、揭露反华势力丑恶嘴脸、消解国际舆论压力等方面均产生了积极效果。但应该看到，我国也针对教培中心运行过程中出现的一些质疑声采取了回避等模糊处理的回应方式，这使得一些指责非但没有停歇，反而呈现出愈演愈烈的态势。于是，本文主要运用文本分析中的话语分析方式，从话语博弈过程中体现的回应技术与制度建构两个维度，对围绕教培中心展开的讨论进行了梳理，发现外界对教培中心持续抹黑的一个重要原因在于我国目前在公民教育法律制度建立上有缺失，法律制度供给不足。例如，教培中心在实际运行中性质界定混乱且经常被解读为一种存在法外运行程序的秘密机构，教培中心的各项具体操作流程仍有待进一步细化明确。所以，文章在对相关指责以及域外公民教育有益经验进行汇总的基础上，提出了去极端背景下，我国在公民教育方面进行本土治理的法治化建议，主要包括：建立强制性与福利性相结合的去极端公民教育制度，严格限制接受培训人员范围；在明确具体培训评估程的同时建立合理的权利救济途径以及分级、分类管理制度；严格培训工作人员聘用标准并完善学员子女看护制度；防止培训人员及家属陷入污名化风险；做好不同主体间培训内容的衔接，明确结业标准与后续帮助。实现公民教育立法，既能有效回应外界关切，戳穿谣言，又能在宗教极端主义崭露头角时进行精准有效打击，这将是一次极具实践意义和价值的探索与尝试。

    From 1990 to the end of 2016, the Xinjiang region has been severely infested by the "three forces" from within and outside the country, posing a great threat to the lives and property of the people. In 2014, Xi Jinping made the important assertion that "the root cause of violent terrorist activities is ethnic separatism, and the ideological basis is religious extremism", making clear the dual significance of removing religious extremist ideology from the theory and practice of counter-terrorism. In order to dissipate the strong atmosphere of religious extremism in Xinjiang in a timely and effective manner, and to help members of society infected by religious extremist ideology to integrate smoothly into society, China has set up a vocational education and training centre in Xinjiang. Through civic education, trainees are taught the common national language and script, national laws and regulations, and vocational skills, so that while their religious extremist ideology is corrected, they can also use the skills they learn at the centre to better create social value. However, since 2018, Western countries, represented by the United States, have begun to accuse China's vocational education and training centres of operating mechanisms, even defining them as "concentration camps" or "re-education camps", and the discourse on this topic has also aroused the continued attention of the international community. As a participant in the discourse game, China has responded to the accusations and smears in a number of ways, for example by debunking the rumours fabricated by outsiders, showing the feasibility and necessity of establishing vocational education training centres in the form of documentaries, and confirming the remarkable effectiveness of the de-extremism work with data on the development of Xinjiang society ...... These responses have had a positive effect in terms of restoring the truth, exposing the ugly face of anti-China forces and defusing international public pressure. However, it should be noted that China has also responded to some of the doubts that have arisen during the operation of the Vocational Education Training Centre by evading and other ambiguous responses, which has made some of the accusations, instead of stopping, appear to be intensifying. Therefore, this article mainly uses the discourse analysis method in textual analysis to sort out the discussion around the Vocational Education Training Centre from the two dimensions of response techniques and institutional construction embodied in the process of discourse game, and finds that one of the important reasons for the continuous discrediting of the Vocational Education Training Centre by the outside world is the lack of establishment of the legal system of civic education in China at present, and the insufficient supply of legal system. For example, the nature of the Centre is confusingly defined and often interpreted as a secret institution with extra-legal procedures, and the specific operational procedures of the Centre need to be further refined and clarified. Therefore, based on the summary of relevant accusations and useful experiences of civic education in foreign countries, the article puts forward suggestions for the rule of law in China's civic education in the context of de-extremism, including: establishing a system of de-extremism civic education that combines compulsory and welfare education, strictly limiting the scope of trainees; establishing reasonable remedies for rights while clarifying the specific training assessment procedures; establishing a graded and classified management system. We should also establish a graded and categorised management system, strict criteria for hiring training staff and improve the system for the care of trainees' children, prevent the risk of stigmatisation of trainees and their families, and improve the articulation of training contents between different subjects and clarify the criteria for completion and follow-up assistance. The implementation of civic education legislation, which can effectively respond to external concerns and dispel rumours, as well as combat religious extremism precisely and effectively when it emerges, will be a highly practical and valuable exploration and experiment.