正是得益于阿伦特的“康德政治哲学讲座”，政治判断概念真正从思想史的边缘走向哲学研讨和实践关切的中心，引起了学术界对于亚里士多德传统、康德传统以及政治思想史中的判断问题的深度挖掘。然而，当下的研究，特别是从规范论立场来审视阿伦特的政治判断理论，只是把政治判断当作政治事域内部的现成判断，还未真正理解其理论意义。

阿伦特的政治判断理论应该被定位为现象学——存在主义式的，由于其所继承的德国哲学传统与所经历的纳粹极权主义统治，阿伦特的理论旨趣是为了建筑共同世界。“世界”是一个现象学概念，它是使一切存在者（无论是自然物还是文化或价值物）在“意义”（Sinn）之中显现自身，以便被领悟和理解为某种东西的条件。“共同世界”是阿伦特对现象学传统的革新，它表明世界的开显是借由复数性的人们的言说和行动所共同完成的，而极权主义政治的发生确证了共同世界的失落。政治判断的功能定位正是为了重建共同世界，重建一个复数性的人们可以被相互看见，多元性的意见具备可交流性、分歧与理性推论可以被相互理解，以及世界现实在其中逐渐澄明的意义世界。阿伦特的工作没有为政治判断提供直接的普遍有效性规范，而只是为公共辩论、民主协商和最终判断提供先决条件。

本文从“政治判断的精神活动本身”“政治判断的主体”“政治判断的依傍（banister）”三个方面铺陈展开，展现政治判断如何建筑共同世界。首先，阿伦特对作为精神（心智）力量的判断的分析，主要借力于康德的审美理论，其中，共通感的三大基本原则，特别是抽离自身主观条件而置身于他人的位置和立场的“心智扩展”原则被阿伦特转化为政治判断的核心。阿伦特对共通感的解读超出了经验论与先验论两种，它既不是伦理常识也不是对所有人都相同的感觉，而是将我们置身于一个共同体、把我们与他人联结起来的感觉，这种共享的、公共的感觉让我们感受到现实，带来存在者的真实感、意义与可理解性，没有共通感，我们将被封闭在自身的感觉资料中，思维、经验和世界都无法得到确证，公共辩论和民主协商将面临不能相互理解、沟通无能的难题。其次，阿伦特把政治判断视为对人类在世界中存在的经验的理解，只有在复数性的人们的各自生存经验得到揭示的基础上，我们才可能寻求到更大的正义和自由来承载政治事务的复杂性，才能作出合理的政治判断。阿伦特继承海德格尔的诠释学方法，她借助于叙事的力量来实现这一目的。叙事，一方面，特别是旁观者的叙事与判断，对行动者的主体性身份、行动意义的建构和共同体生活的塑造有着决定性的影响力；另一方面，叙事性理解、想象、情感力能够通达他人的特殊性，承认他人是平等的、相异的、具体的公共事务参与者，有利于形成政治的主体间性。再者，阿伦特同样思考政治判断的规范性问题，她把规范性、真理性、理性论证与共识的形成都置于共同世界之中，置于多元的视角和意见之间的交流与协商之中而使得政治判断免受于抽象的普遍主义和道德主义的规制；另外，阿伦特提供了“原则”和“范例”两种具备伦理导向和历史质感的规范作为政治判断的依傍，使得判断者与历史、与古往今来的人和事联结起来，使得共同世界不是价值无涉的或政治虚无主义的。

尽管阿伦特主张多元性和政治冲突是人类事务不可消除的基本特征，但是她的政治现象学怀着对于本真性政治的追求，对于政治现实的考虑仍然欠妥，主要表现为对“权力”和“社会”两个概念的理解都过于单薄，使政治判断不能很好地把握世界现实，从而削弱了它的社会批判效力。

It was precisely because of Arendt's "Kant's Lecture on Political Philosophy" that the concept of political judgment has truly moved from the edge of the history of thought to the center of philosophical research and practical concern, which has caused the academia to dig deeply into "judgment" in the Aristotelian tradition, the Kantian tradition, and the history of political thought. However, the current research, especially from the philosophy of normativity to examine Arendt's theory, only taking political judgment as a ready-made judgment within the political domain, has not really understood its theoretical significance. Arendt's political judgment theory should be positioned as a phenomenological-existentialism style. Due to the German philosophical tradition she inherited and the Nazi totalitarian rule she experienced, Arendt's theoretical purpose was to build a common world. "World" is a phenomenological concept that enables all beings (whether natural or cultural beings) to manifest themselves in "meaning" (Sinn), then can be understood as something. "Common world" is Arendt's innovation of the phenomenology, which indicates that the opening of world is achieved through speeches and actions of plural people. However, totalitarianism confirmed the loss of the common world, and the function of political judgment was precisely to rebuild a common world, where plural people can be seen by each other, diverse opinions can be communicated, differences and rational reasoning can be understood by each other, and then world reality gradually becomes clear in it. Arendt's work did not provide direct norms with universal validity for political judgment, only provided prerequisites for public debate, democratic discourse, and final judgment. This dissertation showed how political judgment constructed a common world from three aspects: the mind process of political judgment, the subject of making political judgment, and the banisters for making political judgment. Firstly, Arendt's analysis of the judgment as a mental power mainly relied on Kant's aesthetic theory, in which the three basic principles of sensus communis, especially the principle of "mental enlargement" that separated oneself from subjective conditions and placed oneself in the position of others, were transformed into the core of political judgment by Arendt. Arendt's interpretation of common sense went beyond empiricism and apriorism. It was neither ethical common sense nor the same feeling for everyone, but rather the feeling that put us in a community and connected us with others. This shared and public feeling allows us to feel reality, bringing us a sense of reality, meaning, and comprehensibility of beings. Without common sense, we would be enclosed in our own sensory data, thinking, experience, and the world cannot be confirmed, public debate and democratic discourse would face challenges such as lack of mutual understanding and communication. Secondly, Arendt took political judgment as an understanding activity of human existence in the world. Only based on revealing the experiences of plural individuals can we seek greater justice and freedom to carry the complexity of political affairs and make reasonable political judgments. Arendt inherited Heidegger's hermeneutic method and relied on the power of narrative to achieve this goal. Narration, on the one hand, especially the narration and judgment of spectators, had a decisive influence on the construction of the actor's subjectivity, meaning of actions and community life; on the other hand, narrative understanding, imagination, and emotional power can convey the distinctness of others, recognizing that others are equal, different, and specific participants in public affairs, which was conducive to the formation of political inter subjectivity. Thirdly, Arendt also thought about the issue of normativity of political judgment. She placed the formation of normativity, truth, rational reasoning, and consensus in a common world, in the exchange and negotiation of diverse perspectives and opinions, freeing political judgment from the regulation of abstract universalism and moralism. In addition, Arendt provided two kinds of ethical-oriented and historical norms---- "principles" and "exemplars", as banisters for making political judgment, connecting the judge with history, people, and things from ancient to modern times, and making the common world not value-free or political nihilistic. Although Arendt advocated that diversity and political conflict were the fundamental characteristics that cannot be eliminated in human affairs, her political phenomenology still lacks adequate consideration for political reality due to her pursuit of genuine politics. The main manifestation was that her understanding of "power" and "society" were too thin, which made political judgments unable to grasp world reality well, thereby weakening its power of social criticizing.