本研究以哈贝马斯的公共领域概念作为理论基础，以新浪微博作为个案，旨在解答“数字原住民中的学生群体如何在微博上建构公民身份”这一主要问题。研究从公民身份的内涵、哈氏公共领域理论以及新媒介的相关特性出发，从价值性的角度对公民身份概念进行重新界定，将之界定为“公共性”、“批判性”和“参与性”。同时，从学生群体的角度出发探讨公民身份的这三大价值性内涵是如何在微博中被建构或重构的。鉴于研究问题，本研究主要采用个案研究法和访谈法对学生群体的“（微博使用习惯和）对微博的认识”、“微博使用行为”、“微博使用与角色”等内容进行调查，并主要采用类属分析法对所搜集到的一手资料进行分析。 本研究主要从“人”或“学生”的角度重新发现哈氏公共领域的内涵，并以此界定公民身份的三大价值性内涵。主要结论如下： 公共性主要是指对政治或公共事务的关心，与哈氏“私人领域”的概念相对。从公共性来看，微博，无论从其平台还是内容上看，都是公共性与私人性融合的领域。在一定程度上，微博有助于学生公民身份“公共性”内涵的建构，另一方面，数字公民身份某种程度上也可以通过“私人性”建构起来。但总体而言，学生在微博使用上的公共性不够，公民身份的“公共性”内涵被建构得不充分。 批判性主要是指对微博背后所隐含的公共权力关系的辨别，与哈氏“公共权力领域”概念相对。从批判性来看，微博位于批判性与公共权力之间，但学生对隐含在微博背后的公共权力关系表现出了足够的批判潜能。总体而言，学生在微博使用上已具备了一定的批判性，公民身份的“批判性”内涵比较好地被建构。 参与性主要是指对公共性事务进行理性讨论、协商、行动等的公民参与过程，旨在形成公共舆论以监督国家权力。从参与性来看，根据“公开性”和“公共性”内涵将学生群体的微博使用行为具体分为“积极贡献行为”、“消极贡献行为”、“消极潜水行为”和“积极潜水行为”。公民身份主要通过“积极贡献行为”、“积极潜水行为”建构起来。但总体而言，学生的微博使用中，消极潜水行为占据绝大多数，公民身份的“参与性”内涵并未得到很好地建构。 总体而言，从公民身份的此三大价值性内涵来看，批判性内涵得以在微博中得以比较好地被建构，而公共性和参与性的传统内涵在微博使用中被建构得比较不充分，但“私人性”和“潜水行为”在一定程度上可以重构公民身份的传统内涵。因此，从公民身份的内涵出发，并以此辨别“学生”和“公民”身份，可见，数字原住民中的学生群体既是“学生”又是“公民”，其公民身份在微博使用中得到了一定程度的建构。

This study, taking Juergrn Habermas's theory of public sphere as the theoretical basis , choosing Sina Weibo as a case, aims to solve the problem that how students who are digital natives construct their citizenship through Weibo. In this study, on the basis of the connotation of traditional citizenship, the theory of public sphere, and the characteristics of new media, the connotation of citizenship has been re-defined as publicity , criticalness, and participation. Meanwhile, the study aims to explore the construction or re-construction of the value connotation of citizenship through Weibo from the perspective of students themselves. Taking the character of questions into consideration, the study adopts case study and interviews to investigate the students’ (habits of the use of Weibo and) cognition of Weibo, their use of Weibo, and their awareness of their role in Weibo. Then, the study adopts category analysis to analyze the data gathered first-hand. The study re-explores the connotation of public sphere from the perspective of students, defining the value connotation of citizenship. The main conclusions are as follows: Firstly, publicity mainly refers to the concern about politics or public affairs, contrary to the Habermas’s connotation of private sphere. From the perspective of the connotation of publicity, the platform and the content of Weibo are the field of integration of publicity and privacy. To some degree, Weibo does help construct the value connotation of publicity, but on the other hand, the publicity can also be constructed by privacy. Generally speaking, there is no enough publicity in students’ use of Weibo, so the value connotation of publicity has not been constructed adequately. Secondly, the main meaning of criticalness is the criticism about the public power hidden behind the Weibo, contrary to the Habermas’s connotation of sphere of public power. From the perspective of criticalness, Weibo is situated between the criticalness and public sphere. However, from the perspective of students, they have sufficient potential for criticizing the public power hidden behind Weibo. Generally speaking, there is some criticalness in students’ use of Weibo, so the value connotation of criticalness has been constructed effectively. Thirdly, participation mainly refers to the citizen participation of rational discussion, negotiation and action about public affairs, and it aims to form public opinion to supervise the public power. From the perspective of participation, according to the connotation of openness and Publicity in Habermas’s theory of public sphere, the use of students’ use of Weibo can be divided into four types, that is, active contribution, negative contribution, active lurking, and negative lurking. The value connotation of participation has been mainly constructed by the behavior of active contribution and active lurking. In general, negative lurking has occupied the vast majority of the participation. Thus, the value connotation of participation has not been sufficiently constructed via Weibo. On the whole, the value connotation of criticalness has been constructed relatively sufficiently, while the other two value connotations of citizenship, that is, the traditional value connotation of publicity and participation have not been constructed so adequately as that of criticalness. However, to some extent, the traditional value connotation of publicity and participation can be re-constructed by the privacy and lurking. Thus, from the perspective of the connotation of (traditional) citizenship, distinguishing the connotation of student between that of citizen, the students who are digital natives are the unity of student and citizen, and their citizenship can be constructed in their use of Weibo to some degree.