厦门吕厝华藏庵的信仰经济再生产依托于既有人神关系的维护。本文从民俗学的视角出发，在地方民众的立场上，通过对地方信仰文化与人神关系的追溯、对当下民众信仰实践与金钱观念的考察来探讨信仰经济再生产过程。

本文所调查的吕厝华藏庵位于福建省厦门市同安区吕厝村南部，所供奉的主祀神王爷在当地已有超过600年的历史。在吕厝这个闽南村落，与宗族开基历史紧密关联的王爷是地方信仰的中心，起到村落保护神的作用，人与神之间亲近的关系成为村庙中信仰经济互动长期稳定存在的基础。当地的庙宇经营兼有现实庙产经营与神明灵验声誉、人神关系经营两个层次，为了优化这两个层面的庙宇经营需求，当地庙宇管理者“从神选到人选”，形成了宗族深度参与、半义务劳动的特色管理方式。

本文通过对二十多个普通信众、庙宇管委会成员、乩童、解签师等不同群体的访谈，结合参与式观察的体验，发现吕厝人神之间的经济互动需要依托于媒介进行转化。可见与不可见世界之间的直接金钱交流需要利用香和金纸等信仰经济的媒介之物，通过点香、烧金的形式将现实中的世俗金钱转化为观念中的神圣金钱。可见与不可见世界之间间接的金钱交流需要通过媒介群体来完成，他们能够成为王爷在世俗中的代言人，帮助神灵管理世俗中筹集的香油钱，投入到信仰空间与仪式的生产中。人神关系经营的地方性知识通过烧香、烧金、拜等信仰实践内化于民众的日常生活中，成为人们向神灵捐钱的主要动力。金钱是人神间人情往来的礼物，信众捐献金钱、媒介群体管理金钱的同时，付出的是金钱和诚心，收获的是功德与更紧密的人神关系。

梳理地方话语中的经济逻辑可以发现，吕厝民众的信仰经济互动行为背后是一整套地方性文化知识。民众在信仰文化中产生了特殊的灵验归因逻辑，认为付出金钱是为王爷“斗骹手”，也即是用金钱或其他劳动帮助自己的神灵。在亲近的人神关系中，信仰经济互动中金钱的数量不占决定性地位，这意味着它与商品经济有着本质区别。地方性庙宇的经营不再只是单纯的经济层面的经营，更是地方人神关系和神灵声誉的经营，长久以来的人神特殊关系联结通过地方话语与归因逻辑进一步深化，成为他们进行信仰经济往来的动力。

The economic reproduction of belief in Xiamen Lvcuo Huazangan relies on the maintenance of the established human-god relationscip. From the perspective of folklore, this paper explores the process of belief economy reproduction by researching the local folk belief culture, tracing the relationship between and human and gods, and examining the current belief practices and money concepts of the people from the standpoint of the local people.

The Huazangan investigated in this paper is located in the southern part of Lvcuo Village, Tong'an District, Xiamen, Fujian Province. The main god “Wang Ye” or royal lord at Lvcuo Huazangan has been worshipped in the village for more than 600 years. In Lvcuo, a southern Fujian village, Wang Ye, who is closely associated with the history of the clan's foundation, is the center of local beliefs and plays the role of the village's protector god. The close relationship between people and the god has become the basis for the long-term stable existence of economic interactions between beliefs in the village temple. In order to optimize these two levels of temple management needs, local temple managers were choosen from the gods to the candidates, forming a characteristic management style of clan involvement and semi-voluntary labor.

Through interviews with over twenty ordinary worshippers, likes temple management committee members, mediums, and interpreters, combined with the experience of participant observation, this paper finds that the economic interaction between the gods and the people of Lvcuo needs to be transformed by the medium. The direct money exchange between the visible and invisible worlds requires the use of intermediary objects of the conomy of worshipping such as incense and gold paper, which transform secular money into conceptual sacred money through the incensing and the burning of gold paper. Indirect money exchange between the visible and invisible worlds needs to be accomplished through mediated groups who can become the spokespersons of the Wangye in the secular world and help the gods manage the incense money raised in the secular world and invested in the production of belief spaces and rituals. The local knowledge of the human-god relationship operation is internalized in the daily life of the people through belief practices such as incensing, gold paper burning, and worship. It becomes the main motivation for people to donate money to the gods. Money is a gift of human-god relationship between people and gods. While believers donate money and the medium community manages money, they give money and sincerity and reap merit and a closer human-god relationship.

Sorting through the economic logic in local discourse reveals that a set of local cultural knowledge lies behind the economic interaction behavior of the belief of the people in Lvcuo. The people have developed a special logic of spiritual attribution in their belief culture, believing that paying money is to "Daokaqiu" for the Wangye, that is, to help their deity with money or other labor. In the intimate human-god relationship, the amount of money does not play a decisive role in the economic interaction of belief, which means that it is fundamentally different from the commodity economy. The operation of local temples is no longer just a purely economic one, but also the operation of the local human-god relationship and the reputation of the deity. The long-standing special human-god relationship connection is further deepened through local discourse and attribution logic, which becomes the driving force for their belief-economy interactions.