爱德华· 伯恩施坦既是德国社会民主党和国际共产主义运动史上的影响力极大的理论家和实践活动家，还是“修正主义”的鼻祖，在马克思主义发展史上具有特殊地位。他作为第二国际马克思主义的代表人物，既是西方马克思主义的开端，同时又是经典马克思主义的延伸，还是研究马克思主义不可或缺的人物。德国十一月革命，是德国在1918年与1919年发生一系列革命事件，其结果是推翻了德皇政权和建立了魏玛共和国，在革命过程中，不同的社会党在革命中扮演的角色不同，虽然革命结果最终失败了，但是它在国际共产主义运动史上却留下了浓墨重彩的一笔。伯恩施坦作为革命的亲历者和德国社会民主党的成员，这些政治历史事件和社会变化深化了伯恩施坦的理论。伯恩施坦关于德国革命的这部作品对社会主义运动的历史做出了相当大的证据性贡献，其中他强调了自己职业生涯早期首次考虑的主题，即社会主义内部的改良主义和革命倾向，军国主义和暴力革命的危险，意识形态和组织方面的政党团结的战略重要性以及对议会民主的捍卫。

本文共分为五个部分。

第一部分，分析伯恩施坦论德国革命一书的写作背景。在思想背景方面，伯恩施坦的修正主义观点基本上完全成型，他在这一时期发表的一系列文章等都是批判马克思主义和为其修正主义观点辩护。在社会背景方面，随着资本主义社会产生了不同于马克思所处时代的变化，资产阶级也在调整政策缓和社会矛盾。

第二部分，对伯恩施坦关于德国1918年革命的阐述的探讨。当时关于1918年德国革命的诸多文献在伯恩施坦看来都带有一定的党派偏见，于是他以革命亲历者的视角出发写了一部关于德国革命的起源、历程和成果的历史性著作，以期之后的人们能够客观公正地看待这一历史事件。

第三部分，阐述伯恩施坦透过德国革命一书而呈现出来的改良主义观点。他对于战争的态度模棱两可，起初他支持德国参与第一次世界大战，后来他又表示反对战争，并批判德国的帝国主义。伯恩施坦对布朗基主义和暴力革命持反对态度，他甚至认为马克思主义学说充斥着布朗基主义精神。对于俄国和布尔什维克主义，伯恩施坦持仇视态度，他认为布尔什维克主义是极端的社会唯心主义和暴君专制的结合，过高估计了暴力的作用。关于什么是社会主义及其实现途径，伯恩施坦重新对社会主义下了定义，强调社会主义的最终目的是微不足道的，应该通过和平的改良的方式如普选权和工会斗争和平长入社会主义，并指出社会主义的实现需要德国多数派和独立派联合，也需要和资产阶级政党联盟。关于革命后建立的共和国应如何发展经济，伯恩施坦提出通过工会和合作社的方式进行经济改良。

第四部分，探讨了第二国际理论家对伯恩施坦的批判。卢森堡从伯恩施坦的逻辑出发，一步步地否认他的理论前提，进而否定了伯恩施坦的整个理论，并指出伯恩施坦修正主义的理论本质就是符合庸俗经济学精神的以资本主义停滞论为依据的社会主义停滞论。列宁通过对伯恩施坦的改良措施和民主思想等的批判，最终落脚到对伯恩施坦最终目的论的批判，指出伯恩施坦的企图是扰乱社会主义运动的目标和方向，并提出社会主义最终目的是无产阶级夺取政权并建成社会主义社会这一观点。考茨基对伯恩施坦的批判不如卢森堡和列宁那样激烈，总体上持折中主义的态度，他对伯恩施坦的部分思想持赞同态度，但也指出了其内在缺陷并提出了改进意见。

第五部分，分析伯恩施坦论德国革命思想的理论缺陷和当代价值。伯恩施坦的理论基础不正确，他主张回到康德去，企图用康德的方法来摒弃马克思主义中黑格尔辩证法的因素，因此采用形而上学的思维方式认识事物，从而得出错误的观点，这是他的理论缺陷所在。然而伯恩施坦思想中也存在一些有价值的东西值得我们吸收和借鉴，尤其是现今我们再度面对伯恩施坦问题，既需要我们端正对待马克思主义的态度，又期望与现时代的问题发生联系，从中找到解决中国所面临的难题的良方。

Eduard Bernstein is a prominent theoretician and activist in the history of the German Social Democratic Party and the international communist movement, and the originator of "revisionism". As a representative of the Second International Marxism, he is both the beginning of Western Marxism and an extension of classical Marxism, and an indispensable figure in the study of Marxism. The November Revolution in Germany, a chain of events in Germany in 1918 and 1919 that resulted in the overthrow of the Kaiser's regime and the establishment of the Weimar Republic, was a revolution in which different socialist parties played different roles. Although the revolution turned out to be a failure in the end, it left a strong mark in the history of the international communist movement. These political-historical events and social changes deepened Bernstein's theory as an eyewitness of the revolution and a member of the Social Democratic Party of Germany. Bernstein's work on the German Revolution makes a considerable evidentiary contribution to the history of the socialist movement, in which he emphasizes themes first considered early in his career, namely reformist and revolutionary tendencies within socialism, the dangers of militarism and violent revolution, the strategic importance of party unity in ideological and organizational terms, and the defense of parliamentary democracy.

The paper is divided into five parts.

In the first part, the background of Bernstein's book on the German Revolution is analyzed. In terms of the ideological background, Bernstein's revisionist views were basically fully formed, and a series of articles he published in this period, among others, were critical of Marxism and defended his revisionist views. In the social context, capitalist society entered a new stage of development, showing different changes from Marx's time, and the bourgeoisie was adjusting its policies to ease social contradictions.

In the second part, an exploration of Bernstein's elaboration of the 1918 revolution in Germany. Since the literature on the German Revolution of 1918 at that time was, in Bernstein's opinion, partisan, he wrote a historical work on the origins, course, and results of the German Revolution from the perspective of an eyewitness of the revolution, with a view to enabling subsequent generations to view this historical event objectively and fairly.

In the third part, Bernstein's reformist views are presented through his book on the German Revolution. He was ambivalent about the war, initially supporting Germany's participation in World War I, and later expressing his opposition to it and criticizing German imperialism. Bernstein was opposed to Blanquism and violent revolution, and he even believed that Marxist doctrine was rife with the spirit of Blanquism. With regard to Russia and Bolshevism, Bernstein was hostile, believing that Bolshevism was a combination of extreme social idealism and tyrannical dictatorship, and that the role of violence was overestimated. With regard to what socialism was and how it could be achieved, Bernstein redefined socialism, emphasizing that its ultimate aim was trivial and that it should grow peacefully into socialism through peaceful improvements such as universal suffrage and trade union struggles, and pointing out that the realization of socialism required a coalition of German majorities and independents, as well as an alliance with bourgeois parties. As to how the post-revolutionary republic should develop its economy, Bernstein proposes economic improvement by means of trade unions and cooperatives.

In the fourth part, the critique of Bernstein by the theorists of the Second International is explored. Luxembourg recognizes the logic of Bernstein, denies his theoretical premises step by step, and then rejects Bernstein's whole theory, and points out that the essence of Bernstein's revisionist theory is the theory of socialist stagnation based on the theory of capitalist stagnation in line with the spirit of vulgar economics. Lenin, through his criticism of Bernstein's improvement measures and democratic ideas, etc., finally landed on the criticism of Bernstein's view that the ultimate aim was trivial and the movement was everything, pointing out that Bernstein's attempt was to disturb the goal and direction of the socialist movement and putting forward the view that the ultimate aim of socialism was the seizure of power by the proletariat and the building of a socialist society. Kautsky's criticism of Bernstein is less intense than that of Luxemburg and Lenin, and is generally eclectic. He agrees with some of Bernstein's ideas, but also points out their inherent defects and proposes improvements.

In the fifth part, he analyzes the theoretical defects and contemporary values of Bernstein's ideas on the German revolution. The root cause of Bernstein's theoretical defects lies in the incorrectness of his theoretical foundation. He advocates going back to Kant and tries to use Kant's method to discard the Hegelian dialectic element in Marxism, thus adopting a metaphysical way of thinking to understand things and thus arriving at a wrong view. However, there are some valuable things in Bernstein's thought that we should absorb and learn from, especially nowadays when we face the Bernstein problem again, we need to correct our attitude toward Marxism, but also expect to relate to the problems of the present time and find a good solution to the difficult problems faced by China.