本文以西安回族汉语的阿拉伯语借词为例，在借词音系学的理论框架下考察回族汉语中阿拉伯语借词的音系特点，并进一步讨论了其中一些现象的语言类型学意义。我国各地的回族汉语中都存在一定数量的外来借词，其中古典阿拉伯语借词数量最多。这些借词随语言接触被借至各地回族的汉语方言之中，其音系样貌受到了当地汉语方言音系的影响，产生了诸多规律性调整。
        本文基于前人研究中的词条，确定了西安回族汉语中496个阿拉伯语借词，通过田野调查收集其读音，并对这些借词的来源语及其借入后形式的音段、超音段特征进行了详细描写。在借词音系学的理论框架下，用比例计算、多元逻辑回归等统计方法，对借词音段、超音段特征的调整进行了考察。最后在音系类型学的理论背景下，结合跨语言对比、实验语音学等方法，考察了回族汉语中阿拉伯语借词音系现象的共性表现。

        从来源语古典阿拉伯语到目标语西安回族汉语，这些借词的音段、超音段特征都产生了系统性调整，其调整模式基本符合音系和语音结合的借词音系调整模型。古典阿拉伯语的辅音被借入后少有删音，音节尾辅音普遍选择增音的调整策略；塞音、塞擦音的清浊对立多数情况下调整为送气和不送气的对立；辅音的咽化附加特征多调整为[w]介音。元音借入后呈现出“一对多”的映射格局，但基本保持了古典阿拉伯语元音的高低对立。来源语的重音在借词里得到了一定程度的映射，元音长短和音节结构在更大程度上影响了借词声调的指派。

        阿拉伯语和汉语的音系类型距离是导致借词音系调整的直接因素。来源语的音段和超音段在借入后大部分都得到了映射，然而借词音系调整并非从来源语到目标语简单的对应，呈现出有映射项的调整和无映射项的调整，诸多表现不能通过来源语或目标语的音系规则解释，诸多表现则在一定程度上反映了语言的普遍倾向。音段成分的相似映射产生了边际性音段，表现为借词中常见的小音系现象，但汉语的区别特征并未创新，音系结构也并未改变；辅音附加特征和发声态的调整、超音段凸显成分的对应关系体现了基于语音感知的映射；古典阿拉伯语的部分羡余特征在借入后还发生了音系化。无映射项的调整则更多体现了语言共性的作用。增音音节的音质和声调体现了语言无标记特征的浮现；基于音节结构和邻接语音环境的声调指派，其成因亦有一定的语音基础。回族汉语阿拉伯语借词极少受汉字记录的影响，而是直接体现语言内部因素对借词音系的作用；其中诸多现象，也广泛地分布在世界语言借词音系及其共时、历时的音系表现中。

        This study investigates the phonological characteristics of the Arabic loanwords in Xi’an Hui people’s Chinese. The Chinese varieties that the Hui people in different regions of China speak all contain loanwords, which are mostly from Arabic. The loanwords were borrowed from Classical Arabic to Hui’s Chinese through language contact. Their phonological forms were influenced by Chinese phonology, resulting in various adaptation patterns. The current study focuses on the Hui residing in Xi’an. Informed by loanword phonology, the phonological characteristics of the Arabic loanwords are examined, and the significance of the findings regarding phonological typology is discussed.
        Specifically, based on previous studies, the current study first identified 496 loanwords in Xi’an Hui people’s Chinese and collected their pronunciations through fieldwork. The study described the segmental and the suprasegmental features of the loanwords and their original Arabic forms in detail, then analyzed the adaptation of them in the framework of loanword phonology by performing ratio calculations and a multinomial logistic regression. Finally, informed by phonological typology, the typological patterns of the loanword adaptation were examined with approaches of cross-language comparison, experimental phonetics, etc.
        Both the segmental and the suprasegmental features of the loanwords have been systematically adapted from the source language Classical Arabic to the target language Xi’an Hui people’s Chinese. The adaptation patterns are basically in line with the loanword adaptation model combining both phonology and phonetics. Deletion of the consonants from the Arabic forms is rarely seen in the data and epenthesis is the primary adaptation strategy for coda consonants. The voiced-unvoiced contrasts of stops and affricatives are substantially adjusted to aspirated-unaspirated. The secondary articulation of pharyngealization is in most cases adapted to [w] glide. The vowels in the loanwords show a ‘one-to-many’ mapping pattern, while the open-close contrast is generally retained. Most stresses of the source language are mapped into the loanwords, whereas the vowel length and the syllable structure influence the assignment of the tones to a greater extent.
        The phonological typological distance between Arabic and Chinese is the direct factor in the adaptation of the loanwords. Most segments and suprasegments of the source language are mapped into the target language. However, the phonological adaptation of the loanwords is not a simple correspondence between the two languages, while the loanwords demonstrate adaptation patterns with and without mapped items, among which are patterns that cannot be explained by the phonological rules of either the source or the target language, and patterns reflecting the general tendencies of human languages to some extent. The similarity-based mappings of segments result in marginal phonological patterns, a common phenomenon in loanword phonologies, yet no innovative features occur in the loanwords and the native phonological structure does not change. The adaptation of the secondary articulation and the phonation adaptation, and the counterparts of the suprasegmental prominence reflect a perceptual similarity-based mapping model. Some redundant features of Classical Arabic have been phonologically systematized. The adaptation without mapping items generally reflects Universal Grammar. The vowel quality and the tonal patterns of epenthetic syllables demonstrate the emergence of the unmarked in languages. There is phonetic basis accounting for the tone assignment regarding to the syllable structure and the neighboring phonetic environment. The Arabic loanwords in Xi’an Hui people’s Chinese are less influenced by the Chinese orthography, hence their adaptation patterns mainly demonstrate grammatical factors in loanword phonology. Among the above, many phonological patterns are typologically significant, widely distributed in the loanword phonologies of the world’s languages, as well as other phonological manifestations both synchronically and diachronically.