传统与变迁：20世纪上半期冀中定县农村经济研究摘 要通过冀中定县“解剖麻雀”式的研究，揭示近代尤其是二十世纪上半期中国乡村区域经济的经济结构、经济关系、运行机制及其变化趋势。主要包括六个方面：一，土地关系。近代定县人地比例呈减少之势，以现有学者的估计衡量，耕地不足，压力巨大。但事实上，现有耕地能够满足最低粮食消费需求，只是距最低生活消费稍显不足，人口压力远不象以往所说的那样严重。就土地分配而言，自有田产者占绝大多数，自耕农也较多，所谓农民贫无立锥之地以及地主、富农占地达百分之七八十以上的情况并不普遍。但自耕农的优势带有一定程度的假象，因为仍有近10%的农户没有土地，大多数农户占地不到全县平均数，由此正可解释人口压力不太大但许多农民仍然贫困之原因。二，农业经营。定县农业的生产条件、耕作技术基本沿袭了传统型式，仍能适应集约农业特点。最大变化是凿井数量增加，水利灌溉改善，提高了复种指数。也有值得注意的现代因素，一定程度地反映了农民理性经济的追求。在土地分配基础上形成的雇佣关系和租佃关系，相互扭结，错综复杂。短工数量较大，长工比例很小。雇工自营与出租面积之比与土地占有规模的关系非常复杂，并不似有些学者所估计的那样有明确的规则和界限。与雇佣关系对应，纯粹的出租地主和佃户都很少，但涉及出租户和租种户的比例不在少数，租佃关系绝非无足轻重。农作物比例以粮食作物为主，棉花等商品作物也有扩大趋势，亦即农民仍以生存效用为主、追求利润为辅，冒险经营是有限的。农业总产量处于增长之势，但与人口总数增长并不同步。单产提高是粮食总产增长的原因，但粮食产量较高和劳动生产率较低的矛盾一直存在。三，手工业生产。定县手工业发达，是一个重要的棉纺织业区。手工业之所以生存、延续和发展，根本动力为手工业是维持农家生计的必要环节，而且家庭越贫困手工业越重要；历史传承和农闲时间也是一个重要条件，以致农民农闲并不闲；手工业原料扩大尤其是机纱对手织布原料的供给，使手工业产量大为增加，也反映了农民对市场的应变能力；生产工具尤其是织布机的改良，提高了手工业的生产效率和能力；广阔的市场销售空间，更是手工业生存的命脉。洋货进口和本国机器工业品的进入越来越多，但始终没有或绝大部分没有代替手工业品。可以说，不是自足的自然经济，而是商品化了的手工业对近代工业的入侵进行了顽强抵抗。与此同时，也要看到一些手工业的波动乃至衰落，但因素非常复杂，洋货进口或本国机器工业品的排挤仅是其中一因。手工业经营方式错综并存，既有以全部自家劳动或以自家劳动为主兼雇临时工的家庭手工业，也有农家合作经营的家庭手工业，还有商人雇主制的家庭手工业，又有手工作坊经营，总之既保留了传统方式，又在劳动分工、社会分工和经营方式等方面显现了进步因素。四，农民与市场。近代以来农村市场化程度显著提高，农民与市场的联系日益密切。农村市场结构以村、镇和县城集市为主，村集最多。除此，庙会、店铺和零售小贩也属重要的市场构成。集市数量长足发展，密度提高，但集市与村庄之比并不符合施坚雅的基层市场模式，与从翰香的集镇层次类型也有区别。商品运输以陆路为主，铁路通车则标示着现代因素对农村市场的渗透。集市交易以定期市最为常见，相邻集市的集期一般不会重复。庙会也是定期市，但多一年举办一次，相邻庙会的日期一般也不重复，近代以来尤其是民国之后，其宗教功能弱化，经济功能增强。在地方市场交易中，以本地产品的余缺调剂为主，也有部分为县外输出和县内输入产品，扩大了商品交易范围和不同地区的经济交往。民初以来农产品价格呈上升趋势，期间波动起伏，但不存在长期降价现象。表面看来，农民有参与市场交易的自由，但农民贱卖贵买、粜精籴粗或粜精留粗显然是迫不得已，它包含了太多的辛酸和苦难。农产品价格主要根据供求关系而定，但也不能说没有垄断行为。五，金融调剂。私人、店铺借贷一直是农民最重要的借贷来源，尤以地主、富农占绝对优势。当然，普通农家也放债，利率还不低。借贷利率基本保持在传统习俗许可的范围之内，并呈下降之势。借贷保证方式以信用借贷居多，抵押借贷有增加势头。抵押借贷中，以土地抵押和土地典当为多。短期借贷给债务人还贷增加了难度，农民对偿债不遗余力，但纠纷渐有增加。农民借贷主要用于非生产方面，属于贫困借贷。一些农民因背负债务而破产，但比例不大。在传统借贷结构中，定县互助借贷组织——摇会颇为发达，多为标会性质，以每期写钱数最少者得会。与一般借贷相比，摇会借贷以信用担保，利率较低，减少了高利贷的压迫。1920年代以后，开始产生新式借贷形式——银行借贷、合作社借贷和农业仓库借贷，华洋义赈会、国民政府、商业银行尤其是平教会形成推动合力。新式借贷利率较低，有遏制高利贷之功；借款用途限制较严，有利于农家生产经营。所谓新式借贷完全为士绅土劣及奸商控制，助长了重利盘剥和农民的穷困化，不能说没有这种现象，但并无太多事实依据。六，农家收支与生活消费。农家收入处于增加之势，总体上收支有余，但收入较低之家多入不敷出，近一半农家无法满足最低限度的生活。按恩格尔系数衡量，农家生活几乎都属于绝对贫困型。但家庭越贫穷、食物费比例越大的规则并不能完全解释定县的情况，处于饥饿状态下的农民，食品费的增加往往是生活改善的反映。农民的主食、副食、穿着、住房等，无不反映了农民的贫困化。即使是富户的消费水平，与普通农民也不是特别悬殊。总之，近代定县仍以传统小农经济为主，但也显现出现代商品经济的因素逐渐加强，农村经济处于发展之势；与外国经济的联系日益密切，但尚不足以构成巨大冲击；农民以追求生存效用为主，但也存在一定的经济理性；农家收入些微增长，但农民生活仍处于绝对贫困状态，生产力水平低下、土地分配不均和天灾人祸频繁都是不可忽视的重要原因。而这一切，正是孕育中国革命的基础。

Tradition and Changes：Rural Economy Research of Ding Countyin the Middle -Hebei on the First Half of 20th CenturyABSTRACTThis dissertation, through the research like ‘anatomizing sparrow’ on Ding County in the middle of He Bei province, discloses the economic structure, economic relations, moving mechanism and mutative tendency of the rural economics. It includes six aspects：Firstly, land relation. The proportion of folks to land showed a decreasing tendency in modern Ding County and it seemed to verify the scholars’ current estimate that the lack of cultivated land brought great pressure. Actually, the pressure of people was not as serious as estimated. Though the present cultivated land was insufficient for the lowest life consumption, it could satisfy the need of the food consumption. In the aspect of land distribution, the majority of people had and ploughed their own land. It was not as common as estimated that the peasants hardly had a speck of land and the landlords & rich peasants possessed more than 80% of land. But the superiority of owner peasants was feint to some extent for less than 10% of the peasants had no land, and the land area of most of the peasants could not reach the average of the whole County, which explained the standing poverty and the low pressure of the peasants.Secondly, agricultural management. The condition of production and technique of cultivations still kept the traditional mode of Ding County, and could fit in with the characteristics of the intensive agriculture. The great change manifested in the added wells, the improved irrigation of water conservancy, and the heightened exponent of planting as well. The modern factors worth noting reflected the pursuit of reasonable economics of the peasants in a degree. The relations like engagement and tenancy based on the distribution of land tie together complexly. The large amount of short laborers was not in proportion to the long termed hired laborers. The proportion of the self-management to the hired area and its relation to the scale of land-possessing were too complex to have definite rule and bourn as some scholars estimated. The amount of both pure landlords and renters was very small in contrast to the engaged relations, but the proportion of the lessees and hirers was not less and the relations of engagement was still important. Most of the crops were grain crops and the commodity crops such as cotton tended to increase. That means the peasants mainly pursued for survival more than for profits and risking management was limited. The overall output of agriculture was enlarged and increased, but was not synchronic with the increase of population. The increase of per-mu’s output caused the increase of overall output of foods, but the conflict between higher output of foods and the lower labor productivity would exist in the long run.Thirdly, the production of handicraft industry. Ding County was an important region of cotton spinning with developed handicraft industry. The motive force of the existence, lasting and development of the handicraft industry lay in that it was a necessary link of keeping living. The poorer the family was, the more important the handicraft industry; the historical reason and the slack season were also important conditions to keep the peasants busy during the slack season. The enlarged materials of the handicraft industry, especially the gauze supplied with the spinning material led to the increase of the output, which showed the adjusting ability of peasants dealing with the markets. The improved production tools such as the spinning machine heightened the production rate and ability of handicraft industry. The expansive space of selling was the vitals of the survival of handicraft industry. More and more imported foreign commodities and the production of machine industry couldn’t replace the handicraft industry. It is safe to say that it was the commercialized handicraft industry but not the self-sufficient economics that severely resisted the invasion of modern industry. At the same time, some handicraft industry fluctuated or declined for very complex reasons. The imports of the foreign commodities and supplanting of the production of machine industry were only part of them. Different ways of management of the handicraft industry existed at the same time complexly, such as the family handicraft industry of whole family labors or mainly family labors combining with casual employees, the family handicraft industry of farmhouse cooperation, the family handicraft industry of businessmen as employers, and the management of handicraft workshop. These ways not only followed the tradition but also took on some progressive factors in the respects of social distribution and management ways, etc.Fourthly, peasants and markets. In the modern times, the country was gradually and prominently marketed, which led to a more and more close relation between the peasants and markets. The markets of village, town and County mainly constituted the framework of County market, of them the markets of village were in the lead. In addition, temple fair, shop and retailed packman were also important parts of markets. The markets developed rapidly in amount and density, but the proportion of the markets to the village doesn’t fit the mode of Skinner’s standard market and has some differences with the style of Cong Han-xiang’ arrangement of markets. The transportation of commodities mainly depended on landway, and the railroad being open to traffic showed the penetration of modern factors into the rural markets. The bazaar was usually prescribed fixed date and that of the neighboring markets would rarely overlapped. The temple fair was usually held once a year and the date was also seldom overlapped with the neighboring ones, whose religious function was weakened and the economic function strengthened since the modern times especially the republic of China. In the trade of the local market there was mainly relief of surplus & deficiency, and the products imported into and exported out of the County enlarged the area of transaction and the economic relations of different districts. The price of crops increased with some fluctuation and showed no phenomena of decreasing in the long term. The peasants seemed to be free in trading, but in fact their behavior of selling at low price and buying at high price contained much more suffering and tribulation. The price of crops mainly decided by the relations of supply and demand, but the conduct of monopoly couldn’t be denied.Fifthly, the financial relief. Debit from individuals and pawnshops was the most important source of poor peasants, especially from the landlords and rich peasants. Of course, ordinary families led too, and the rate was not low. The rate of that kept in the range of the traditional habitude and tended to decrease. The way of guarantee was mainly credit and mortgage tended to increase, including land mortgage and land pawn. The short time debit added difficulty to the debtor. Although the peasants left no stones unturned to pay their debt, the conflicts were still gradually increased. What the peasants borrowed was not used for production, so it belonged to poverty debit. A small proportion of peasants bankrupted for debts. In the traditional framework of loans, the organization of Yaohui in Ding County was highly developed for its credit and low rate, which decreased the pressure of usury. Since 1920s, new ways of loaning such as banks & cooperatives & agricultural depository appeared. The China International Famine Relief Commission, the national government and the commercial banks especially the Chinese Mass Education Movement formed the resultant force. New ways of loans resisted the usury with low rate. The use of the loans was strictly limited to the advantage of the farmhouse management. The suppose that the new ways of loaning were controlled by wicked landlords & dealers to aggravate the exploitation & poverty of peasants was not proved.Sixthly, peasants’ income & expenses and living consumption. The income of some families tended to increase and still had surplus after consumption, but the ones with lower income were very poor and almost half of them couldn’t meet the lowest need of life. According to the coefficient of Engels, almost all the peasants’ life belonged to the mode of absolute poverty. But the rule that the poorer the family is, the higher proportion the food consumption is, can’t fully explain the situation of Ding County. It can also be a reflection of amended life for the peasants living in the situation of starvation. All the peasants’ staple food, assistant food, dress and housing could reflect the poverty of them. Even the consumption level of the rich family had no great disparity with the ordinary ones.In a word, the modern Ding County mainly kept the traditional small scale peasant economy, but the elements of the modern commodity economy appeared and augmented, the rural economics was in a developing tendency; the contact with the foreign economics was more and more estimated, but it was not enough to form serious clash; the peasants’ mainly pursue their living and the rational economic existed to some extent; the income of the peasants’ families increased a little bit, but they still lived in the condition of the absolute poverty for the undeniable reasons like the low level of the productive forces, the ill-distribution of land and the natural & artificial disasters. All of these were exactly the foundation to breed the revolution of china.