本文基于《清华大学藏战国竹简》（六-八）18篇文献、339支简，总约11331字的材料，整理出通假字组937组，用次2420次，并按照声经韵纬进行排列，做出方便检索的清华简（六-八）通假字表。

通过对字表的统计分析，本文认为在战国楚地语音系统中，韵部的开合两呼具有严格界限，并据此认为微物文系应该有两个主元音。由于等第和开合在语音关系中起的作用不同，所以他们的性质也不一样，在语音上具体表现为：二、三等是介音，开合口则是声、韵母的附加属性，所以战国楚地语音系统的音节结构还应该声、介、韵三分。

论文分为五个部分，第一部分为绪论，讨论了选题背景、研究意义和内容，简述了材料情况，并对上古韵母研究进行回顾和综述，指出等呼在上古韵部研究中的重要地位，和学者们因此形成的不同音节结构。

第二章讨论并定义了谐声、假借、通假等概念，提出了本文的收字原则，即通假字组包括严格的通假字和两种语音关系字，列举了清华简通假字组的类型。

第三章为清华简韵部关系研究，首先对韵部通转关系进行总述：通假字中，部内自通占绝大部分，阴入对转比阴阳对转更常见，-?尾可以和-m尾及-n尾字通转，但几乎不见-m尾和-n尾字相通。然后分析了字表中所反映的韵部等第情况，同等接触仍然占大多数，按接触比例从大到小依次排序：三等>一等>四等>二等，由于二等与一等有较显著的密切关系，四等和一等则显著疏远，所以认为一二等的区别在于介音，一四等则在于主元音。

由于韵部开合研究是本文的主要内容，故另辟一章进行分系讨论。本章首先总论清华简所代表的语言的唇音开合问题，认为楚人唇音字不分开合口；其次分别讨论了非唇音字中，鱼铎阳系、侯屋东系和微物文系的开合口相通问题。发现：1. 鱼、侯两系开合相通比例比其他韵系更高，是因为两系所包含的中古合口模韵字，在上古绝大部分是开口呼，大量与开口呼的鱼韵字相通；部分合口虞韵字与开口相通例可能与方言有关。2. 微物文系存在非常严格的开合口界限，开合几乎不能相通；同时微物文系和歌月元系一样，合口呼不仅出现在牙喉音声母后，也出现在舌齿音声母后，所以我们认为微物文系应该有两个主元音?和u。

      第五章是结语，简述本文的研究结果和不足。

Based on the Warring States Bamboo Manuscripts collected by Tsinghua University(Ⅵ-VIII), which contain 18 documents, 339 slips and 11311 characters, this paper sorts out 937 pairs of phonic loan characters, and arranges them according to initials and finals, to make a searchable word list.

Through analyzing the word list, this thesis holds that there is a strict boundary between the kāihé（开合）of the finals in the speech system of Chu state in the Warring States period. Due to the different functions of děngdì（等第）and kāihé（开合）, their properties are also different. Therefore, the syllabic structure of the Warring States Chu's phonetic system should also be divided into three separate parts: Initials, Medial and Finals.

The paper is divided into five parts. The first part is the introduction, which discusses the background of the topic, the significance and the content of the research, briefly introduces the materials, and reviews the study of old Chinese finals.

The second chapter puts forward the principle and lists the types of phonetic related character groups.

The third chapter is the study of the relationship between the finals. Characters with the same finals have closer relations than those with different finals. Moreover, -? tail can be with -m tail and -n tail, but almost no -m tail can be with -n tail. Also, characters with the same děng are likely to contact each other, and the contact ratio in descending order is: Division III > Division I> Division IV > Division II. Since division II is closely related to division I, the difference between them might be medial. Division IV rarely contact with division I, so they might have different main vowels.

The fourth part is about kāihé, which is the main content of this paper. We find out that characters with labial initials do not distinguish between kāihé in Chu’s phonology. The high contact rate between kāi（开口）and hé（合口）in rhymes yú（鱼）, duó（铎）, yáng（阳）, and hóu（侯）, wū（屋）, dōng（东） might have something to do with dialects. Rhymes wēi（微）, wù（物）, wén（文）, however, have quite a low contact rate, that is, the kāi（开口）of these rhymes barely contact with hé（合口）. So we believe that rhymes wēi（微）, wù（物）, wén（文）ought to contain two main vowels: the schwa and u.

The fifth chapter is the conclusion, which briefly describes the research results.