有唐一代，西南边疆的治理始终是唐朝君臣十分关切的议题。由于中央朝廷在当地的统治力量较为薄弱，西南边疆地区成为多方势力角逐、博弈的舞台，以致当地时常陷入混乱失序的状态。有鉴于此，本文从影响唐朝西南边疆经略的因素入手，聚焦于吐蕃、南诏、羌蛮以及西原蛮等土著族群，探讨唐朝在经略西南边疆过程中与之发生的互动，希望通过以点带面式地讨论来审视唐代西南边疆经略的成效。

剑南作为防御吐蕃的前沿阵地，成为唐蕃双方争夺与较量的重要场所。活跃在剑南地区的羌蛮（党项羌、西山诸羌、姚州蛮）则根据形势的变化，依违于唐朝与吐蕃之间，致使原本严峻的西南边疆形势变得更加错综复杂。唐初，对于内附的党项羌部落，朝廷通常设立羁縻府州予以安置，使其成为唐朝与吐蕃之间的战略缓冲地带。不过，随着唐蕃之间矛盾与冲突的日益加剧，西山诸羌依附吐蕃反戈相向的情况时有发生，羁縻府州相对松散的管理体制显然已经无法适应形势变化的需要。唐廷适时调整了对内附羌人的管理方式，以往由羌酋世袭羁縻州刺史的惯例逐渐被打破，刺史改由中央朝廷派遣官吏担任，羌人首领则任职别驾。此举使得朝廷掌握了羁縻州刺史的任免权，有利于进一步加强对边疆地区的管辖。

姚州蛮同样叛服无常，姚州都督府因蛮人的叛乱一度罢废，尽管垂拱四年（688）得到重建，但张柬之却以姚州盐井被吐蕃攻占，唐朝无法从中获取盐利，反而需要耗费资财派兵戍守为由，请求朝廷裁撤姚州都督府。此后李知古、唐九征讨伐姚州蛮的目的在于遏制吐蕃势力的东进，当时姚州蛮已成为吐蕃攻略唐境的向导，征讨蛮人归根结底是为了翦除吐蕃的羽翼，维持当地局势的稳定。

吐蕃的窥伺与地方藩镇的叛乱导致剑南陷入内忧外患的危机之中，刘辟之乱便有吐蕃在背后推波助澜，此事从刘辟兵败后西奔吐蕃可窥见一斑。唐廷经略西川方针从招谕到严惩的转变与西川、夏州两地的战事有关，为免朝廷军队陷入两线作战的不利局面，从而给吐蕃可乘之机，唐廷在征讨杨惠琳之时，对刘辟采取怀柔招抚的策略；当夏州战事顺利结束后，唐廷得以集中力量讨伐刘辟，转而决定对其严惩。战后，以房式谥号的议定为导火索，引发了朝野对西川失节臣僚的臧否。士大夫认为求生害仁的做法并无不妥，死于王事并不值得提倡与效法。这表明当时气节观念尚未成为社会的主流认识，士大夫亦未将舍生求仁视作臧否人物的准绳。

唐蕃维州事件披露了李德裕、牛僧孺不同的经略观，李德裕主张收复维州，牛僧孺却以唐朝边防安全为由，拒而不纳。唐廷最终采纳牛僧孺之议，将悉怛谋一众降人及维州送还吐蕃。北宋司马光伸牛诎李，乃是为弃地与夏寻找历史依据，达成自身的政治目的。南宋初期，胡寅抑牛扬李，洪迈则称颂牛僧孺。这一分歧的出现，是因为南宋士人对金政策的不同态度所致，以胡寅为代表的理学之士力主北伐中原，恢复故土；而以洪迈为代表的词学之臣则主张宋金议和，对金妥协。

为了应对吐蕃寇边引发的边防危机，唐朝不失时机地对剑南行政建置予以调整。安史之乱后，唐廷曾将剑南道析置为东西两川，然而随着边防危机的加重，唐廷随即又将剑南东西川合并为一道，以增强防御吐蕃的实力。当时剑南与关内多次进行区域联动，剑南军队担负着牵制吐蕃兵力，纾解京师危机的重要任务，俨然已经成为唐蕃关内战场的一条重要战线。元和初期平定刘辟之乱后，唐廷将西川六州（资州、简州、陵州、荣州、昌州、泸州）改隶东川，借此削弱西川的经济实力，西川六州蕴藏的丰富盐井资源成为朝廷将其划归东川的重要原因，其后资、简二州还属西川则是为了遏制严氏家族势力的膨胀，使剑南东西川形成犬牙交错的政治格局，以便东西川之间更加有效地制衡。剑南稳定的政治局势则是唐朝经略西南边疆、加强边防建设的前提和基础。

另外，剑南地区的战略要地亦是唐蕃双方重点争夺的对象。唐朝修筑安戎城的目的是为了抵御吐蕃，鉴于其地处战略要冲，吐蕃诱导生羌助其攻陷了安戎城。唐朝则为重夺此城开始了军事经略，开元二十六年，王昱攻打安戎城之战并非是一场孤立的军事行动，此役与唐蕃河陇战事构成了唐朝的全盘军事部署。至开元二十八年，章仇兼琼再攻安戎城，由于安戎城吐蕃守将翟都局的归款使得唐军得以成功收复安戎城。嶲州则是唐朝与吐蕃激烈争夺的另一地区，借助石刻碑志资料，可以了解吐蕃与唐军在嶲州交锋的具体细节，吐蕃时常扇诱当地土著族群协同作乱。为了扭转唐军的颓势，韦皋采取结好南诏、抗击吐蕃的策略，在唐诏双方的联合攻势下取得台登之战的胜利，成为唐朝经略嶲州的转折点，吐蕃在连番失利后被迫退出嶲州。

在“南通云南”策略的指导下，唐朝将南诏作为结好的对象。通过爬梳地方志、佛教文献，可了解唐朝与南诏之间的和盟历程。贞元十年（794），唐朝与南诏举行会盟，其盟誓仪式披露出南诏明显的山川崇拜。在岁旱之际，点苍山神、西洱河神能够聆听民众的祷雨诉求，及时行雨，帮助百姓获得丰收，因而成为南诏崇拜的对象。唐朝通过颁赐佛经、浮屠像等方式推动佛教在南诏的传播，高僧大德的传法以及南诏子弟习业成都促使佛教在南诏的信众更加广泛。佛门僧侣依靠祈雨的神通获得王室与民众的共同尊奉，佛教的地位也随之水涨船高，为南诏官民所信仰。南诏王世隆将自身塑造成佛教庇佑的对象，通过佛教信仰与权力秩序的整合，重新构建了统治的合法性。随着佛教的深入传播，南诏以往尚武好斗的民风逐渐消退，向善、止杀的观念日益深入人心，民众从征的意愿大为削弱。这十分有助于消弭唐诏之间的争端，推动双方关系的缓和，同时也标志唐朝以佛教安边的方针初见成效。

In the Tang Dynasty, the governance of the southwest frontier was always a subject of great concern to the Tang Kings and ministers.Due to the weak ruling power of the central court in the local area, the southwest border area became the stage of multi-force competition and game, so that the local area often fell into a state of disorder.In view of this, this paper starts with the factors that affect the southwest frontier strategy of the Tang Dynasty, focuses on the indigenous groups such as Tubo, Nanzhao, Qiangman and Xiyuanman, and discusses the interaction between the Tang Dynasty and them in the process of administering the southwest frontier strategy, hoping to examine the effectiveness of the southwest frontier strategy of the Tang Dynasty through a point-and-point discussion.

As the front position of defending Tubo, Jiannan became an important place for the two sides to fight and contest.The Qiang man (Dangxiang Qiang, Xishan Zhuqiang, Yaozhou Man) active in the south of the Jiannan region, according to the changes of the situation, rebelled against the Tang Dynasty and Tubo, which made the situation in the southwest border area more complicated.In the early Tang Dynasty, for the attached Dangxiang and Qiang tribes, the court usually set up Jimi prefecture to settle them, making it a strategic buffer zone between the Tang Dynasty and Tubo.However, with the increasing contradictions and conflicts between Tang and Tibet, the Qiang in the western Mountains sometimes attached themselves to Tubo and turned against each other, and the relatively loose management system of Jimi Prefecture was obviously unable to meet the needs of the changing situation.The Tang Court adjusted the management mode of the attached Qiang people in time, and the previous practice of hereditary control of the chieftains for the prefecture was gradually broken, and the chieftains were sent by the central court to serve as officials, while the chieftains of the Qiang people served as other rulers.This made the court master the appointment and removal of the history of the prefecture, which was conducive to further strengthening the jurisdiction over the border areas.

Yaozhou was also rebellious, and the capital of Yaozhou was abandoned due to the barbarian rebellion, although it was rebuilt after four years (688), but Zhang Jianzhi requested the court to abolish the capital of Yaozhou on the grounds that Yanjing had been captured by Tubo and Tang Dynasty could not obtain salt profits from it, but needed to spend money and resources to send troops to defend.After that, Li Zhigu and Tang Jiuzheng attacked Yaozhou Man for the purpose of curbing the Tubo forces' eastward advance. At that time, Yaozhou Man had become the guide of Tubo in attacking the Tang territory. In the final analysis, the purpose of attacking the barbarians was to cut off Tubo's wing and maintain the stability of the local situation.

Tubo's spying and the rebellion of the local vassal towns led to the crisis of internal troubles and foreign invasions in the south of Jianguo, and Tubo was behind the rebellion of Liu Bei, which can be seen from the west rush to Tubo after Liu Bei's defeat.The change of Tang Court's policy from recruitment to punishment was related to the wars in Xichuan and Xia. In order to prevent the imperial army from falling into the unfavorable situation of two-front warfare and thus give Tubo an opportunity, Tang Court adopted the strategy of appeasement and appeasement to Liu PI when attacking Yang Huilin.After the successful conclusion of the Xia Zhou war, Tang Ting was able to concentrate his efforts on Liu Bi, and decided to punish him severely.After the war, the agreement of the room type posthumous title was the trigger, which caused the ruling and opposition to criticize the Xichuan dishonorable officials.Scholar-officials think that there is nothing wrong with the practice of living and harming benevolence, and dying in the king's affairs is not worth advocating and imitating.This shows that at that time, the concept of integrity had not become the mainstream understanding of society, and the scholar-officials did not regard giving up life and seeking benevolence as the criterion for judging people.

The Tang-Phan-Wei incident revealed the different views of Li Deyu and Niu Sang-ru. Li Deyu advocated the recovery of Victoria, but Niu Sang-ru refused to accept it on the grounds of border security of Tang Dynasty.Tang Court finally accepted the proposal of Niu Sanglu, and returned Sidtanmou and Victoria to Tubo.Sima Guang in the Northern Song Dynasty extended his strength to seek historical basis for abandoning land and summer to achieve his own political goals.At the beginning of the Southern Song Dynasty, Hu Yin suppressed the cow and praised the Li, while Hong Mai praised the cow monk and Lu.The divergence was caused by the different attitudes of the Southern Song scholars towards the Jin policy. The Neo-Confucianists, represented by Hu Yin, urged the northern invasion of the Central Plains and the restoration of the native land.On the other hand, the scholars of Ci science represented by Hong Mai advocated that Song and Jin negotiate peace and compromise with Jin.

In order to deal with the border crisis caused by the Tibetan invaders, the Tang Dynasty lost no time to adjust the administrative structure of Jiannan.After the Rebellion of An and Shi, Tang Ting divided the Jiannan Road into two rivers, but with the increasing crisis of frontier defense, Tang Ting immediately merged the Jiannan East and West Rivers into one to strengthen the strength of defense against Tibet.At that time, there were many regional interactions between Jiannan and the interior of the Pass, and the army of Jiannan was responsible for the important task of containing Tubo troops and relieving the crisis of the Capital Division, and it seemed to have become an important front in the battlefield of the interior of the Pass of the Tang Dynasty.In the early years of Yuan and He, after the suppression of Liu's rebellion, the Tang Court transferred the six Xichuan states (Zizhou, Jianzhou, Lingzhou, Rongzhou, Changzhou and Luzhou) to Dongchuan, thereby weakening the economic strength of Xichuan. The rich salt well resources in the six Xichuan States became an important reason for the court to transfer them to Dongchuan, and then the two Zizhou and Jian states were also included in Xichuan to curb the expansion of the power of the Yan family.So that Jiannan East and west rivers formed a political pattern, so as to more effective checks and balances between the east and west rivers.The stable political situation in Jiannan was the prerequisite and basis for Tang Dynasty to manage the southwest frontier and strengthen the construction of frontier defense.

In addition, the strategic areas in the south of the Jiannan region were also the key objects of contention between Tang and the Tibetan Kingdom. The purpose of the Tang Dynasty to build Anrong was to resist the Tubo, because of its strategic location, Tubo induced Shengqiang to help it capture Anrong.In the 26th year of Kaiyuan Dynasty, Wang Yu's battle against Anrong City was not an isolated military action, but constituted the entire military deployment of the Tang Dynasty together with the battle of helong.In the 28th year of Kaiyuan, Zhang Qiu Jianqiong attacked Anrong（安戎城） again, and the Tang army was able to successfully recapture Anrong due to the return of Zhai Du Bureau, the Tubo garrison of Anrong. Xizhou（嶲州）was another area where the Tang and Tubo fought fiercely. With the help of stone inscriptions, we can know the details of the battles between the Tubo and Tang armies in Xizhou. Tubo often whipped the local indigenous groups to cooperate in rebellion.In order to reverse the decline of the Tang army, Wei Gao adopted the strategy of making good use of the Nanzhao and fighting against the Tubo. Under the joint offensive of the two sides, Wei Gao won the Battle of Taitang, which became a turning point in the Tang Dynasty's strategy of Xizhou. The Tubo were forced to withdraw from Xizhou after repeated defeats.

Under the guidance of the strategy of "Nantong and Yunnan", the Tang Dynasty took Nanzhao as a good object.In the 10th year of Zhenyuan (794), the Tang Dynasty held an alliance with Nanzhao, and its oath ceremony revealed Nanzhao's obvious worship of mountains and rivers.On the occasion of the New Year drought, the god of Diancangshan and Xierhe River could listen to the people's prayer for rain, perform rain in time, and help the people obtain a good harvest, thus becoming the object of worship in Nanzhao.The Tang Dynasty promoted the spread of Buddhism in Nanzhao by giving Buddhist sutras and butu statues, and the spread of the Dharma by the eminent monks and the practice of the children of Nanzhao made Buddhism more widely believed in Nanzhao.Buddhist monks relied on the magic of praying for rain to gain the common respect of the royal family and the people, and the status of Buddhism also rose with the tide, and was believed by the officials and people of Nanzhao.King Shilong of Nanzhao shaped himself into the object of Buddhist protection and rebuilt the legitimacy of his rule through the integration of Buddhist faith and power order.With the further spread of Buddhism, the martial and aggressive folk customs of Nanzhao gradually faded, and the concept of benevolence and stopping killing became increasingly popular, and the people's willingness to join the army was greatly weakened.This was very helpful to eliminate the disputes between the Tang Dynasty and promote the relaxation of the relations between the two sides. At the same time, it also marked the initial effect of the Tang Dynasty's policy of settling the border with Buddhism.