20世纪80年代末，美苏冷战格局紧张，在西方资本主义国家中新自由主义兴盛，在苏联社会主义国家中各类社会和体制问题频发。基于此背景，福山发表《历史的终结？》一文并成功地“预言”了1991年的苏东剧变；随后他又在其文章的基础上撰写出版了《历史的终结与最后的人》一书，对其历史终结论观点进行了详尽的论述，认为人类历史存在一个终结，而自由民主制便伫立在那个终结之处。其后二十年间，出于世界政治格局的不断变化的现实考虑，福山又转而从政治研究的角度对历史终结论的理论内容进行补充和修改，撰写出版了《政治秩序与政治衰败》一书，对以美国为主的西方国家的政治衰败做了研究。但从本质上来说，他的“历史将终结于自由民主”的立场从未改变。因此，论文以马克思主义的唯物史观为视角，试图对福山的历史终结论进行全方位的审视和批判，在分析福山历史终结论之错误的同时，澄清福山对马克思主义的种种误读，并重申马克思主义立场的重要性。

论文主要分为三个部分。第一部分是对福山历史终结论的内容梳理，主要叙述福山历史终结论的主要观点及论证；随后对历史终结论提出后二十多年来福山对历史终结论理论内容所做的修正和补充即政治秩序发展次序论进行梳理。第二部分在唯物史观视阈下对历史终结论进行分析批判，论述并批判其内容和方法上的错误之处：一是内容上的，历史终结论研究的唯心主义根基即人类寻求承认的激情这一所谓的历史发展动力，将资本主义自由民主制作为历史的终点状态，历史终结处资本主义自由民主制下“没有胸膛的布尔乔亚”这一根本没有得到自由全面发展的人，以及以政治发展次序论作为修正补充却并未在实质上触及历史终结论的核心错误；二是研究方法上的，历史终结论这一理论所依托的唯心主义的基石、形而上学的路径以及以果推因的方法。第三部分旨在论述对福山历史终结论进行批判的重要意义：首先有利于从根本上揭露西方中心论思潮的真实面目，警惕以历史终结论为代表的西方中心主义宣扬其普世价值观的行为，并澄清其对马克思主义的误读；其次，有利于更加牢固地坚定马克思主义立场，更加坚定地将马克思主义作为思想武器武装思想；最后，有利于以马克思主义中国化的成果指导中国特色社会主义实践的发展，并为全球治理体系提供中国方案。

In the late 1980s, the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union was tense, neoliberalism flourished in Western capitalist countries, and various social and institutional problems occurred frequently in Soviet socialist countries. Based on this background, Fukuyama published The End of History? ” and successfully “predicted” the 1991 upheaval in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe; then he wrote and published the book “The End of History and the Last Man” on the basis of his article, in which he detailed his views on the conclusion of the end of history. Argument that there is an end to human history, and that liberal democracy stands at that end. In the following two decades, due to the constantly changing reality of the world political situation, Fukuyama turned to supplement and revise the theoretical content of the conclusion of the end of history from the perspective of political research, and wrote and published "Political Order and Political Decay". A book that studies the political decline of Western countries, mainly the United States. But in essence, his "history will end in liberal democracy" stance has never changed. Therefore, from the perspective of Marxist historical materialism, the thesis attempts to conduct a comprehensive review and criticism of Fukuyama's conclusion of the end of history. While analyzing the errors of Fukuyama's conclusion of the end of history, it also clarifies the various misunderstandings of Marxism in Fukuyama. , and reiterated the importance of the Marxist position.

The thesis is mainly divided into three parts. The first part is to sort out the content of Fukuyama's conclusion of the end of history, mainly narrating the main views and arguments of Fukuyama's conclusion of the end of history; then, after the conclusion of the end of history was proposed, Fukuyama's revisions and additions to the theoretical content over the past 20 years are his political order. Development sequence theory to sort out. The second part analyzes and criticizes the conclusion of the end of history from the perspective of historical materialism, and discusses the errors in its content and method. This so-called driving force of historical development is a misjudgment that capitalist liberal democracy is the end state of history, and the end of history is the "bourgeois without a chest" under capitalist liberal democracy, a person who has not achieved free and comprehensive development at all. The theory of developmental sequence, as the theory of the end of history, does not touch on the core errors of its own theory; the second is the research method: the cornerstone of idealism, the path of metaphysics and the method of consequential reasoning on which the theory of the end of history is based. The third part aims to discuss the significance of criticizing Fukuyama's conclusion of the end of history: first, it is beneficial to fundamentally reveal the true face of Western-centrism thinking, and to guard against the behavior of Western-centrism represented by the end of history to promote its universal values , and clarify its misunderstanding of Marxist historical materialism; secondly, it is conducive to firmer Marxist standpoint, and more firmly to use Marxism as an ideological weapon to arm ideology; finally, it is conducive to the guidance of the achievements of the sinicization of Marxism The development of the practice of socialism with Chinese characteristics and a Chinese solution to the global governance system.