云南是中国最大的咖啡产区，生产了中国99%以上的咖啡。随着近几年咖啡消费的大幅增加，云南咖啡产区开始逐渐被人们所知。咖啡种植改变了当地老百姓的生计方式，也将他们卷入了国际市场中。跨国咖啡公司所拥有的巨大资金，使其处在巨大的优势地位，咖农只能依附其所建立的咖啡体系。剧烈波动的国际咖啡期货市场，使当地农民面临巨大的风险和挑战。

云南省普洱市河村是普洱市咖啡商业化种植的起点，见证了咖啡商业化种植在中国的发展。雀巢咖啡公司在华投资并寻求“原材料本地化”是这一事件的直接推动因素，雀巢咖啡公司的大量收购保证了咖啡产业在普洱的落地生根。在国家供销社的主导下，河村开始发展咖啡产业，供销社成立咖啡公司开始种植咖啡，初步形成了商业种植的规模。村民在其带动下开始零星种植，又在村委会的号召下大范围推广。国家、跨国公司与国际机构的三方合作，在以“发展”为主导话语的情境下如火如荼地展开，促成了普洱咖啡产区的形成，具有新自由主义色彩的发展策略，一方面加速了当地经济的发展，另一方面也将农民抛掷到具有高度风险的国际市场中。咖啡种植直接影响了河村村民的劳作安排、性别分工，依据不同的“资本”，河村村民在复杂的咖啡生产链中形成了不同的角色分工。由于咖啡在价值链上的不同分配，村民们从咖啡生产中所获的收益也不相同，逐渐加大了村民的贫富差距和彼此之间的区隔。

同时，跨国公司对云南产区的控制也进一步加剧了咖农在国际市场中的风险。雀巢咖啡公司首先通过大批量的收购和强大的资本实力掌握云南市场定价权，通过国际期货价格为云南咖啡定价，并以质量不佳为由下调定价，低价采购原料；又通过“科学”的分级和标准化制度建立起一套质量评价体系，通过质量评价体系给咖啡分级定价，无形中削弱了农民的议价能力；最后通过农艺服务体系，以“关怀小农”“发展社区”为话语，建立起与当地农民直接的人情关系，形成不对称的互惠“道义经济”，隐藏了背后的价值链剥削。

依附于跨国咖啡企业的咖农，不得不被卷入咖啡国际市场，直面咖啡经济中的多重风险。对此，河村村民采取了多元化的作物种植方式、“现金至上”和维持小规模的行动策略，并形成了“安全第一”的行动原则。与此同时，地方精英开始以转型生产精品咖啡的方式摆脱期货价格。然而，面对专家和政府所提倡的风险控制方案，咖农表现出冷淡的态度或相左的行动，这是因为咖农所体验到的“经验性风险”（experiential risk）并非基于狭隘的市场或科学分析，而是在被卷入和深度参与到复杂的咖啡网络中时所切身体验到的多种风险的叠加，以至于咖农必须小心翼翼地平衡不同的行动。

咖啡作为一个积极的能动者，以“缠绕”（entanglement）的方式构建起了复杂的咖啡网络，网络中的人类和非人类行动者既相互依赖又相互竞争。咖农与咖啡网络的互动表现出了“缠绕”中韧性和脆弱性的强大张力。一方面，“缠绕”为咖农提供了在不确定的咖啡市场中生计的韧性；另一方面，“缠绕”的风险背后是结构性的支配与不平等。这使得我们必须小心翼翼地面对“缠绕”，在其中做出行动。

Yunnan is China's largest coffee-producing region, producing more than 99% of China's coffee and becoming better known as coffee consumption has increased dramatically in recent years. Coffee farming has changed the way local people make a living and has also involved them in the international market. The dramatic fluctuations in the international coffee futures market have exposed local farmers to enormous risks and challenges. The huge capital possessed by multinational corporations puts them in a position of great advantage, and the coffee farmers can only rely on the coffee system they have established.

Hecun, Pu'er City, Yunnan Province, is the starting point of commercial coffee farming in Pu'er City, witnessing the development of commercial coffee farming in China. Nescafe's investment in China and its quest to "localize the raw material" was a direct catalyst for this event, and Nescafe's large acquisitions ensured that the coffee industry took root in Pu'er. Under the leadership of the State Supply and Marketing Organization, the village began to develop the coffee industry, and the organization set up a company to plant coffee, initially forming the scale of commercial planting. The villagers began to plant sporadically under its leadership, and then promoted it on a large scale under the call of the village committee. The tripartite cooperation between the state, multinational corporations and international organizations, which was carried out in full swing under the dominant discourse of development, contributed to the formation of the coffee-producing region of Pu'er. However, the neo-liberal development strategy has accelerated the development of the local economy on the one hand, and thrown farmers into the highly risky international market on the other. Coffee cultivation directly affects the labor arrangements and gender division of labor of the villagers in Hechun, and based on different capitals, the villagers have formed different roles in the complex coffee production chain. Due to the different distribution of coffee in the value chain, the villagers' income from coffee production is not the same, which gradually increases the gap between the rich and the poor and the segregation among villagers.

At the same time, the control of multinational corporations over Yunnan's production areas further exacerbated the risks for coffee farmers in the international market. Nestle Coffee Company, first of all, through the acquisition of large quantities and strong capital strength to grasp the Yunnan market pricing power, and then by the international futures for Yunnan coffee pricing, and poor quality as the reason for downward pricing, low-priced procurement of raw materials; secondly, through the "scientific" grading and standardization to establish a set of quality evaluation system, through the quality evaluation system to grade and price the coffee, weakening the bargaining power of farmers. Finally, through the agronomic service system, with the words of "caring for small farmers" and "developing the community", it establishes a direct relationship with local farmers, forming an asymmetric reciprocal "moral economy", hiding the exploitation of the value chain behind it.

Farmers involved in the international coffee market have to face multiple risks in the coffee economy, so the villagers in Hechun have adopted a diversified approach to crop cultivation, a "cash first" approach, and a strategy of maintaining a small-scale operation, forming a "safety first" principle of action. At the same time, local elites began to shift away from futures prices by switching to boutique coffee production. However, in the face of the risk-control programs promoted by experts and the government, coffee farmers showed a cold attitude or contradictory actions, because the "experiential risk" of the farmers was not based on narrow market or scientific analysis, but was experienced when they were involved in and deeply participated in the complex network of coffee. Rather, it is an overlay of risks experienced when being drawn into and deeply involved in complex coffee networks, which must be carefully balanced by the farmer.

Coffee is an active agent that builds complex coffee networks through entanglement, in which human and non-human actors are both interdependent and competitive. The interaction between coffee farmers and the coffee network demonstrates the powerful tension between resilience and vulnerability in entanglement. On the one hand, entanglement provides the resilience of farmers' livelihoods in an uncertain coffee market; on the other hand, structural domination and inequality underlie the risks of entanglement. This makes it imperative that we face and act within the "tanglement" with care.