在我国社会主义建设时期，国营工厂曾作为公共教育办学的重要主体，通过直接创办子弟学校，生成了我国独特的学校教育形态。随着社会与经济体制的转型，工厂子弟校逐渐退出历史舞台。本研究梳理了“工厂集体办学”这一现象的历史脉络，考察了学校嵌入工厂生产-生活所形成的“家-校-社”关系。通过选取西南某“三线”地区国有内燃机车工厂作为个案，采用文献法、访谈法、观察法等研究方法，梳理了该工厂子弟校发展演变的四个重要阶段：

工厂子弟校初建阶段（1965年-1977年），学校嵌入工厂“以生产为中心”的“生产-生活”体系中，解决了职工的后顾之忧，普及与巩固了公共教育，为工厂生产培养了合格劳动者。工厂生产-生活合一的组织模式里，通过社会主义公共价值的引领，形成了家庭、学校、工厂共同塑造的公共养育空间和实践。

工厂子弟校快速发展阶段（1978年-1992年），在“为了生产”的总体目标下，子弟校更深入地嵌入工厂的生产体系。科学知识与技术在生产中日益凸显的作用，改变了工厂中的劳动方式，逐渐塑造了学校、教师以及知识分子的权威。在工厂的“熟人社会”中，形成了“家-校-社”多方联动的教育互动关系。

工厂子弟校追求效益的阶段（1993年-2003年），市场经济时代，工厂引入现代企业管理制度，拓展市场、追求效益，使子弟校在工厂中遭遇合法性危机，进而与企业化的工厂生产相对独立。职工子女教育变成职工个人的利益与家庭的责任，子弟校与教师成为工厂的“包袱”。工厂“效益为先”的要求挤压着学校的正常发展空间与资源，促使子弟校基于效益寻求创收，引发了既有“家-校-社”关系格局的解体与重建。

工厂子弟校转入地方的阶段（2004年-2008年），国企改制要求生产与生活全分离，促使工厂成为只是创造“效益”的生产组织，学校教育则由地方公共财政负责。2006年，工厂子弟校作为事业单位被整体移交到地方政府。基于共同生产-生活形成的“家-校-社”多方互动关系随之瓦解、分裂，带来教师、家长、学生等群体的身份变化。

个案研究发现，工厂子弟校经历了从嵌入工厂“生产-生活”到与之脱嵌历史过程，呈现出工厂中“家-校-社”关系的变化特征。

子弟校与工厂生产-生活的互嵌，既是社会主义工业化生产组织理念的实践，也是地方经济水平发展差异下的现实抉择。这种互嵌关系既表现为学校教师、家长、学生同时兼具工厂社区成员的身份，还表现为学校师生与工厂子弟关系的重合，直接体现在工厂生产-生活管理与劳动者培养体系之中。

工厂子弟校“家-校-社”关系的解体，不仅是现代企业制度变革的产物，也是国家教育管理进一步走向专业化、标准化的结果。越来越市场化、效益化的工厂生产，与地方化专门化的学校教育，使得以共同“生产-生活”为核心的工厂社区彻底解体、松动了工厂共同养育空间的基础，促使公共教育的多数职能向国家和家庭两端分化，导致生产与生活、学校与社会逐渐相互区隔。

工厂子弟校的变迁历史，为重新思考我国社会主义公共教育的价值提供了历史经验和理论启示，对当下重建“生产-生活”协调的社会关系和“家-校-社”互嵌的育人环境具有重要的借鉴意义。

During the period of socialist construction, state-owned factories served as important entities in public education and created a unique and distinctive form of school education by directly establishing zidi school. With the transformation of the economic system and social structure, factory zidi schools have gradually disappeared into history. However, sorting out the historical line of the emergence, development and transformation of the factory collective school running phenomenon, especially an in-depth investigation of the home-school-community relationship formed by the school being completely embedded into the factory community, undoubtedly has extremely precious theoretical and practical value to explore the connotation and realization of education publicity value. This study selects a state-owned diesel locomotive factory in a “Third Line” area in southwest China as a case, and comprehensively uses literature, interviews, observation and other methods to sort out the development and evolution of factory zidi school  as follows:

The period from late 1960s to late 1970s (1965-1977) was the emergence and initial development stage. The school was embedded into the factory’s "production-life" system, which is production-centered. It eliminated the employees' worries, popularized and consolidated the national public education, and cultivated qualified labor force for production. Under the "production first, life later" philosophy, the hardware conditions were weak, but the teachers were high-level and the student population was small. In the factory space, where the production and life were integrated, family members, neighbors and other workers, taking the same common goal of joint production, together became the nurturing subjects in the public nurturing space. In this multi-level, multi-subject shared parenting space, "nurturing" and "teaching" have become common responsibilities shared by the collective. In this way, the value and concept of public parenting were embedded into the collective.

The period from late 1970s to early 1990s (1978-1992) was the rapid development stage. Under the factory's overall goal of "for production," school education was regarded as the key to promoting production and was incorporated into the production system. Zidi school became an important place for the reproduction of workers and helped eliminate the employees' worries. The increasingly prominent role of science and technology in production has not only changed the factory working way, but also gradually shaped the authority of schools, teachers and intellectuals in the technological improvement process. In the "acquaintance society", which was constructed by taking the factory as physical boundary, a multi-party public education space and interactive educational relationship of "home-school-community" were then formed.

The period from mid 1990s to early 21st century was the stage when factory zidi schools pursued efficiency (1993-2003). Zidi school encountered a legitimacy crisis because of its positioning to serve the production. Then it became independent of the production organization and turned into a factory-affiliated public institution. The education of workers' children was gradually eliminated from factory, and it became a personal issue that undermines the labor force evaluation. Zidi schools and teachers were then regarded as encumbrance that did not produce any benefits. The factory's "efficiency first" requirement squeezed the normal development space and resources of the zidi school, which forced the school to cater for, created new educational needs and sought educational income from the external society. At the same time, it began to trigger the disintegration and reconstruction of the existing "home-school-community" relationship pattern.

Chapter 4 describes the period from 2004 to 2008 when zidi schools were transferred to local governments and completely left from the factory space. In the process of “focusing on main business and divesting auxiliaries” for factories, zidi schools, as an auxiliary public institution, were transferred to the local government as a whole in 2006 and became the public school relying on national fiscal expenditures. The existing multi-party interactive educational space and educational relationships of "home-school-community", that were formed based on the common goal of production, have subsequently collapsed and split, bringing about changes in the identities of teachers, parents, students and other groups. At present, how to build a new "home-school-community" relationship has become an important topic in the construction of modern school management capability.

From description and analysis of such individual case, it can be seen that the entire evolution process of zidi schools, during which the school was first embedded into the factory’s production and life space, then transferred to local governments and finally left from the factory space, showcased that zidi school changes from being inter-embedded into the "home-school-community" space to being disembedded from each other. The embedding relationship changes and its resulting important characteristics of educational forms changes have provided rich historical experience and theoretical inspiration to explore the reconstruction of "home-school-community" relationship in the new era.

On the one hand, the space inter-embedding of zidi schools with factory production and life spaces is a great practice of the socialist industrialized production organization concept, and is also a practical choice under the different levels of local economic development. This space inter-embedding is manifested in the overlapping identities of school teachers, parents, and students as members of the factory community, as well as in the overlapping relationships between teachers and students, colleagues, and elders and children. Moreover, it is also directly reflected in the factory production, life management system, and labor training system, which of course included the zidi school. On the other hand, the space disembedding of "home-school-community" is not only the result of modern enterprise system reform, but also the result of continuous improvement and optimization of the national education management system towards higher professionalization and better equalization. However, the space disembedding creates more specialized and simplified educational spaces, and also further accelerates the collapse of communities which are production-life centrality, completely deconstructs the existing foundation of public nurturing spaces, thus polarizing most functions of public education towards the nation and individual families.